Table of
Contents
( hyperlinked
<
)
<
Introduction
<
Why
did the British
encourage and aid the anti-Jewish terrorist violence of the
Arabs in British Mandate ‘Palestine’? --
John Patterson’s hypothesis.
<
The
British, after encouraging the anti-Jewish violence of the
early 1920s, rewarded the Arab terrorists and took measures
against the Jews.
<
The
British encouraged the anti-Jewish violence of the late
1920s, took measures against the Jews, and again rewarded
the Arab terrorists.
<
The
Arab terrorist and British puppet Hajj Amin al Husseini
becomes a British-Nazi puppet
<
Hajj
Amin al Husseini, leader of the ‘Palestinian movement,’
becomes an architect of Adolf Hitler’s Final Solution, and
then continues the extermination effort beyond the World War,
helping create Al Fatah, the controlling core of
the PLO.
<
The
next great patron of Hajj Amin’s movement became...the
United States.
__________________________________________________________
Introduction
As you may recall from
Part
1, even anti-Zionist historian Nathan Weinstock recognizes
that the ‘Palestinian movement’ in British Mandate
‘Palestine’ was not exactly admirable. It was, he says,
“deformed by racism.” Racism against whom? The British? That
should be the first hypothesis for a movement that Weinstock
calls “the Palestinian anti-colonialist movement,”
because the British were the occupying
imperialist/colonialist power in charge. But no, as
Weinstock himself concedes, this movement was racist
against the Jews (Zionist or not, mind you). Weinstock’s
admission that the ‘Palestinian’ movement’s flag was
anti-Jewish racism is important because it comes from
someone who would like to defend the justice of this
movement.
Precisely in order to defend
this movement, Nathan Weinstock would like you to think that
the violent racism of so-called ‘Palestinian’ Arabs was
“understandable” because, he claims, the Zionist Jews
and the British were “clearly” allied with each
other against the Arabs (see
Part
1). This representation is absurd. As Weinstock himself admits,
1) the British imperialists were helping the Arabs
kill Jews (see
Part
1 for Weinstock's
admission; British support for anti-Jewish terrorist
violence is documented below);
and as Weinstock also admits,
2) the Arab feudal lords in ‘Palestine’
incited racist violence against the Jews in order to create
a climate to intimidate fellow Arabs who might want to get
along with the mostly socialist Jews, the better to further
exploit the downtrodden Arab commoners (see
Part 3)
Therefore, it is amazing that
Weinstock, who says he is an anti-imperialist Marxist,
should not defend the interpretation that the British ruling
class and the Arab ruling class were allied against ordinary
Arabs and Jews. After all, as I also show in
Part 3, the Zionist Jews
had no role in oppressing the Arabs; on the contrary, the
Zionist Jews were indirectly and directly helping to end
the oppression which the Arab (effendi) feudal
lords made the ordinary (fellahin) peasant Arabs to
suffer.
Nathan Weinstock would also like you to think
that this allegedly ‘Palestinian’ movement was an expression
of a Palestinian Arab “national consciousness.” But this is
quite impossible. As I show in
Part
1, the ideology of this
movement was just plain old anti-Jewish racism, of the
traditional sort in the Muslim world, and quite comparable
-- notwithstanding Weinstock’s loud protestations to the
contrary -- to the traditional European anti-Jewish racism
that produced the Shoah (Holocaust). Moreover, as I show in
Part 2, ‘Palestine’ as such never existed, and neither was
there ever any such thing as an ‘Arab Palestinian’
population with a ‘Palestinian identity,’ much less
Weinstock’s alleged “national consciousness.” Most of the
so-called ‘Palestinian Arabs,’ as I also show in
Part 2,
were immigrants from elsewhere attracted by the economic
boom that the Zionist Jews created when they transformed a
desolate land into an oasis (few people are even aware of
this).
So, although Nathan Weinstock
may refer to the racist movement that killed innocent Jews
in British Mandate ‘Palestine’ as the “Palestinian
anti-colonialist movement,” the well-documented facts
suggest that this movement had absolutely nothing to do with
fighting colonialism. On the contrary, the aristocratic Arab leaders of
repeated terrorist violence against ordinary Arabs and Jews were directly sponsored and assisted by
the colonialist British Mandate government and the
colonialist British military, as I will document below in
some detail. It was this British sponsorship and assistance
that initially set in motion the so-called ‘Palestinian
movement.’ Later, the Nazis would also sponsor it. And after
that, the United States.
Anybody who chooses to defend
the ‘Palestinian movement’ should do so in full awareness of
the facts documented below.
Why did the British encourage and aid the anti-Jewish
terrorist violence of the Arabs in British Mandate
‘Palestine’? -- John Patterson’s hypothesis
_________________________________________
Repeatedly, there were outbursts of massive
anti-Jewish terrorist violence in British Mandate
‘Palestine.’ Kenneth Levin writes about the anti-Jewish
riots as follows:
“The British, in the postwar years [after
WWI], were attempting to maintain their Middle East
territories with very limited forces and were indeed
concerned with minimizing local unrest. But, of course, this
does not account for Mandate officers working as agents
provocateurs and stirring up anti-Jewish violence or for
British authorities failing to quell Arab riots when they
were fully able to do so. Nor does it explain the [British
Mandate] Military Administration’s preventing local Jewish
units -- elements of the Jewish Battalions -- from coming to
the defense of the Jews of Jerusalem. [The Revisionist Zionist leader
Vladimir Zeev] Jabotinsky, who tried to organize defense,
was arrested by the British and sentenced to fifteen years’
imprisonment. He was soon released but only in the context
of an amnesty extended also to the rioters. The British
chose to construe the Jewish units’ attempts to defend the
Jews of Jerusalem as an intolerable breach of military
discipline and disbanded the units.”[1]
Why were British officers in British Mandate
‘Palestine’ “working as agents provocateurs and
stirring up anti-Jewish violence”? And why did they actively
sabotage Jewish self-defense and blame the Jewish victims?
According to Lieutenant Colonel John Patterson, a dissenting
voice within the Military Administration of British Mandate
‘Palestine,’ his fellow Britons were trying to derail the
Zionist project.
Who was this John Patterson? Kenneth Levin explains that, during World
War I,
“Lieutenant Colonel John Patterson, a
non-Jewish British officer who had commanded the Zion Mule
Corps in Gallipolli [a Jewish force that fought with
distinction on the British side], was subsequently appointed
commander of the 38th Jewish Battalion and led the battalion
in the [WWI] Palestine campaign [during which the British
wrested control of ‘Palestine’ from the Ottoman Turks].”[2]
In other words, Patterson 1)
worked closely with the Jews and had sympathy for
them; 2) was an eyewitness to the terrorist Arab attacks
against the Jews in British Mandate 'Palestine'; and 3) was an insider eye-witness to the
behavior of his fellow British officers in the context of
the same terrorist attacks.
“Patterson wrote extensively of the
anti-Jewish depredations to which his [Jewish] troops, and
the Jewish population of Palestine, were subjected by the
British military’s forces in Palestine under Allenby (the
Egyptian Expeditionary Force) and later by the Military
Administration. These depredations emanated both from the
command structure and, in the wake of evident command
tolerance, from the rank and file. With regard to Arab
attacks on the Jews in April, 1920, in Jerusalem, Patterson,
referring to the assault as ‘the Jerusalem pogrom’ [pogrom =
unprovoked racist attack against unarmed Jews, with the
semi-unofficial assistance of the authorities[3]],
noted the Military Administration’s encouragement of the
violence, its failure to intervene to stop it, its blocking
of intervention by Jewish troops, its attempts to use the
Arab assault as an excuse to curb Zionist programs, and its scapegoating of Jabotinsky [who
merely tried
to defend the Jews].”[4]
The assessment of modern researchers
concerning the 1920 terrorist riots, labeled by many the
“al-Nebi Musa disturbances,” agrees with John
Patterson’s contemporary judgment. Here is historian Anita
Shapira, writing in 1992:
“The al-Nebi Musa disturbances took place
under the unblinking eye of the British military regime that
was charged with exercising supreme authority in
Palestine... Modern research on the military regime has
shown that its leaders, Field Marshal Edmund Allenby (at the
time commander of the Egyptian Expeditionary Forces) and
Major General Sir Louis Bols, the chief administrator, were,
to put it mildly, quite cool toward the pro-Zionist policies
followed by the British government and even tried their hand
at various manipulations aimed at bringing about what they
considered a necessary volte-face. They wished to...be rid
of the Zionists. There is evidence pointing to the fact that
this position on the part of the heads of the army was made
known to Arab leaders and was taken into account by them.
...Just before the al-Nebi Musa celebrations, the army had
been ordered to leave Jerusalem, a decision described by the
Palin report on the riots, an indubitably anti-Zionist
account, as a serious mistake.”[5]
But was this really a “mistake”? Or was it
deliberately intended to produce loss of Jewish life?
There had just been a
horrific incident of Arab terrorist violence against Jews in
the Galilee (Tel Hai), and it appears that the
aforementioned Allenby and Bols -- in charge of the British
military administration of Palestine -- were warned by the
Zionist leadership that there was a
“strong potential for
violence” at the al
Nebi Musa festival.[6]
So
if “just before the al-Nebi Musa celebrations,”
as we see above, “the [British] army had been ordered to
leave Jerusalem,” and if the British desire to be “rid of
the Zionists... was made known to Arab leaders,” then
obviously the British authorities did not make a “serious
mistake”: they were trying to produce anti-Jewish bloodshed.
Indeed,
it is generally agreed that
the British were looking for ways to kill Jews, because even
an anti-Zionist historian such as Nathan Weinstock concedes
that the British “encouraged” (his word) the
anti-Jewish Arab violence the he nevertheless defends (see
Part
1 for his
concession).
Kenneth Levin reproduces some of what
eyewitness Lieutenant John Patterson wrote concerning the
anti-Jewish terrorist violence during the al-Nebi Musa
“celebrations” of 1920. Here it is below:
“A veritable ‘pogrom’ such as we have
hitherto only associated with Tsarist [Czarist] Russia,[3] took
place in the Holy City of Jerusalem in April, 1920, and as
this was the climax to the maladministration of the Military
Authorities, I consider that the facts of the case should be
made public...
The Balfour Declaration [which gave Britain
the responsibility of establishing a Jewish homeland in
British Mandate ‘Palestine’]...was never allowed [by the
Military Administration] to be officially published within
the borders of Palestine; the Hebrew language was
proscribed; there was open discrimination against the Jews;
the Jewish Regiment was at all times kept in the background
and treated as a pariah. This official attitude was
interpreted by the [Arab] hooligan element and interested
[Arab] schemers in the only possible way, viz., that
the military authorities in Palestine were against the Jews
and Zionism, and the conviction began to grow [within Arab
circles] that any act calculated to deal a death blow to
Zionist aspirations would not be unwelcome by those in
authority...
Moreover, this malign influence was sometimes
strengthened by very plain speaking. The Military Governor
of an important town was actually heard to declare...in the
presence of British and French Officers and of Arab waiters,
that in case of anti-Jewish riots in his city, he would
remove the garrison and take up his position at a window,
where he could watch, and laugh at, what went on!
This amazing declaration was reported to the
Acting Chief Administrator, and the Acting Chief Political
Officer, but no action was taken against the Governor. Only
one interpretation can be placed on such leniency.”[6]
Patterson’s interpretation was that his own
superiors in the British government and military were trying
to destroy the Zionist movement. Patterson was not a rocket
scientist: as he himself pointed out, he was concluding the
obvious. The British treaty obligations under the
Balfour Declaration, and later also under the League of
Nations, were to “secure the establishment of the Jewish national
home,” and “safeguarding the civil and religious rights of
all the inhabitants of [British Mandate] Palestine.”[8]
But these are obligations that the overwhelming majority of
Britons in power did not want to fulfill, so they
were hoping that by fomenting widespread Arab violence
against the Jews they could declare in public that the
Zionist project had to be abandoned for being politically
unrealizable. Wrote Patterson:
“There can be no doubt that it was assumed in
some quarters that when trouble, which had been deliberately
encouraged, arose, the Home Government, embarrassed by a
thousand difficulties at its doors, would agree with the
wire-pullers in Palestine, and say to the Jewish people that
the carrying out of the Balfour Declaration, owing to the
hostility displayed by the Arabs, was outside the range of
practical politics.”[9]
Supporting Patterson's hypothesis is
that the al-Nebi Musa
riots took place in April 1920, right when the San Remo
Conference of the same month was meeting to decide whether
Great Britain would honor the commitment previously
expressed in the Balfour declaration to assist the creation
of a Jewish homeland. The riots did not succeed in derailing
the official commitment of the British government, but the
violence was used by the Mandate authorities, anyway, to
reduce the permitted quota of Jewish immigration, arguing
that the Arabs would otherwise be difficult to control.[10]
There is no shortage of evidence to suggest
that John Patterson’s hypothesis is correct: the British
officers in Palestine were working overtime to destroy any possibility of
Arab-Jewish coexistence so they could abort the Zionist
project. Below, I will review this evidence, but before I do, let me
point out that even anti-Zionist historian Nathan Weinstock
agrees with the main point: “The British,” he writes, “in
accordance with a pattern which we shall encounter with
every Arab revolt in Palestine, reacted...by making
concessions to Arab opinion.”[11]
The British, after encouraging the anti-Jewish violence of
the early 1920s, rewarded the Arab terrorists and took
measures against the Jews
__________________________
Nathan Weinstock himself points out that
“[Hajj] Amin al Husseini, the future Mufti of Jerusalem, ...led the
rioters and harangued the crowd assembled for the Nebi
Musa festivities.”[12]
Historian Uri Milstein explains what the consequence of the
1920 al-Nebi Musa terrorist riots were for the chief
terrorist in charge:
“Haj Amin [al Husseini] was the prime
instigator of the 1920 riots against the Jews of Jerusalem.
For that, he was tried and sentenced to ten years
imprisonment, but British intelligence officers helped him
flee. One year later, the Jewish High Commissioner, Herbert
Samuel, pardoned him, had him brought back to Palestine and
appointed him Mufti of the city -- even though he was not
one of the three candidates for the office -- due to
pressure from British officials and officers of the Cairo
school, which was fostering Arab nationalism in the hope of
making it a basis for British control of the region.”[13]
We’ve seen above that before the al-Nebi
Musa terrorist riots of 1920, the British authorities made
it clear to the leaders of the riots that they could kill
Jews with impunity. This means they were communicating
principally with Hajj Amin al Husseini, because Hajj Amin
was “the prime instigator of the 1920 riots.” After
these riots, the British did not prosecute the chief
offender Hajj Amin (their ally); on the contrary, they
accused the Jews of defending themselves and then made Hajj
Amin, the terrorist leader, the Mufti of Jerusalem.
The British policy can hardly be clearer.
This Hajj Amin al Husseini was a total cynic,
and his incitement of the Arabs against the Jews -- which
relied on mobilizing the widespread contempt and hatred that
the Arabs already felt, traditionally, for the Jews (see
Part
1) -- was not part of a policy to defend the Arabs from
the British, much less from the Zionist Jews. Rather, his
anti-Jewish racist incitement -- launched in collusion
with the British -- was meant to create a climate of
intimidation such that fellow Arab smallholders would not
dare improve their economic well being by selling their
modest plots of land to the Jews, lest they be identified as
‘traitors’ and selected for execution by Hajj Amin’s
terrorists. In this way, Hajj Amin’s family -- one of
the largest landowners in the area -- could buy these small
plots at bargain prices and then resell them to the same
Zionist Jews at absurdly high prices (see
Part 3).
Hajj Amin was made Mufti of Jerusalem
immediately after “a second outbreak of [Arab anti-Jewish
terrorist] violence [that] occurred on May 1, 1921, and
[which] continued for several days.”[14]
The man directly in charge of giving Hajj Amin bureaucratic
authority was Herbert Samuel, who, as Uri Milstein points
out above, was Jewish. This “Herbert Samuel, one of
the leading figures in the British Liberal party,” had been
“appointed high commissioner for Palestine in June 1920,” in
the wake of the al-Nebi Musa terrorist riots of that year.[15]
Herbert Samuel’s elevation of the terrorist Hajj Amin to the
position of Mufti of Jerusalem, according to the Jewish
Virtual Library, was officially to reward Hajj Amin for
having supposedly quieted the new racist violence of 1921.[16]
But, naturally, Hajj Amin went on to organize more
anti-Jewish terrorist violence with the bureaucratic
authority and budget that was made available to him in his
position as Mufti (as we shall see below).
It is important to point out the parallel. In
recent years Yasser Arafat -- leader of the antisemitic
terrorist organizations Al Fatah and the PLO -- was given
more and more power inside the Jewish state, by Jewish
leaders, in exchange for his supposed efforts to combat
anti-Jewish Arab terrorism, when in fact Yasser Arafat --
obviously -- continued to direct anti-Jewish terrorism all
the time, and much more effectively thanks to the power
which Jewish leaders in Israel gave him. (It pays to learn
history, because patterns such as these can be noticed, and
a healthy skepticism about current Jewish leaders can then
be nurtured, the better to defend the Jewish people from
their own leaders.[17]
)
The 1921 Arab terrorist riots against the
Jews were “even more violent” than the riots of 1920, so
those Jews in Palestine who had come there fleeing the
Czarist Russian pogroms were aghast that “even a high
commissioner who was Jewish...had adopted policies similar
to those of the [violently antisemitic] Russian
authorities.”[18]
“Once again, ‘Arabs murdered and looted, and
the Jews are the ones held up as guilty and put on trial.’
The authorities came out with an explanation that the
disturbances had been the result of clashes between Jewish
communist and anticommunist demonstrators on May Day. Jews
regarded this as sheer nonsense. How could an internal
political quarrel among Jews result in horrible murders [by
Arabs against Jews] in a hotel for immigrants in Jaffa?
Government communiqués spoke about clashes between Jews and
Arabs and tried to play down the fact that the attacks had
come solely from the Arab side. Arab policemen had taken
active part in the riots and went unpunished. On this
occasion as well, the British were quick to arrest Jews who,
in defending themselves and their families, had injured
their attackers. Stolen Jewish property was not returned,
the murderers of Brenner and his friends were not brought to
justice. The British put a stop to [Jewish] immigration, and
even Jews already on their way to Palestine were returned to
their ports of embarkation. [Herbert] Samuel’s speech on
June 3, 1921 completed the picture: Once again, the rioters
were being encouraged by the authorities -- violence was
rewarded, the victims punished.”[19]
Herbert Samuel’s report contained all sorts
of “political concessions to the Arabs, and the following
year those concessions, as well as the de facto
detachment of Transjordan from the Mandate, were formalized
in a White Paper issued by [Winston] Churchill.”[20]
In other words, the British used the anti-Jewish Arab
terrorist violence -- which they had themselves fomented --
as an excuse to reduce by 75% the
territory in which the Jews could settle; this they did by
redefining the territory called ‘Palestine’ (before
this redefinition ‘Palestine’ had included all of ‘Transjordan,’
which later became the kingdom of Jordan; see
Part 2). The fact that Winston Churchill put his
stamp on all this, from his position as Secretary of State
for the Colonies, is perfectly in character, given Winston
Churchill’s well documented pro-fascist sympathies.[21]
As Churchill’s recent biographer Paul Addison has put it,
“With fascism as such…he had no quarrel.”[22]
But what explains Herbert
Samuel’s behavior?
It is important to point out that when
the Turks governed Jerusalem the local leaders had very
little power:
“Moslem
affairs, the administration of Moslem religious funds, the
running of Moslem courts, were handled by Constantinople
[Istanbul].” The British transformed all this and gave
Husseini much power over the Muslim population. They created
a
“Supreme
Moslem Council, consisting of a president and four members,
to take complete charge of the Waqf-Moslem religious funds,
the Shariah (religious) courts, the Mosques, and Moslem
social services. Hajj Amin became President.” Hajj Amin also
controlled the funds for orphans and beyond this received a
subsidy from the British government. But it is not just a
question of funds. There is also the matter of the
bureaucratic authority that Hajj Amin was given:
“The
[Supreme Muslim] Council had in its hands the appointment of
preachers and officials of the Mosques; teachers at the
religious seminaries; judges of the Shariah courts...; and
all officials of Moslem institutions throughout the
country.”[23]
A Library of Congress study on the history of Israel
explains the consequences of Colonial Secretary Winston
Churchill's reforms, implemented by the High Commissioner
Herbert Samuel:
“By heading the SMC
[Supreme Muslim Council], Hajj Amin controlled a
vast patronage network, giving him power over a large
constituency. This new patronage system competed with and
threatened the traditional family-clan and Islamic ties that
existed under the Ottoman Empire. Traditional Arab elites
hailing from other locales, such as Hebron and Haifa,
resented the monopoly of power of the British-supported
Jerusalem-based elite...
Tension between members of Arab elites was
exacerbated because Hajj Amin, who was not an elected
official, increasingly attempted to dictate Palestinian
politics. The competition between the major families and the
increased use of the Zionist threat as a political tool in
inter-elite struggles placed a premium on extremism. Hajj
Amin frequently incited his followers against the
Nashashibis [a competing clan] by referring to the latter as
Zionist collaborators.”[25]
I remind you that
Hajj Amin, whom the British pardoned
after he organized mass murders of Jews, and whom they then
made Mufti of Jerusalem, before making him the head of the
Supreme Muslim Council, was “not [even] one of the three
candidates for the office” of Mufti.
Clearly, then, the British were going quite out of their
way, and flexing their every muscle, to
transform Arab politics in such a way that those extreme
anti-Jewish racists who also attacked fellow Arabs with
terrorism ended at the top, and were provided with the vast
political, economic, and bureaucratic power needed to
mobilize anti-Jewish racism. The point? As we see above, to
prevent Arab leaders who wanted to get along with the
Zionist Jews from having any influence, thus derailing the
Zionist project.
Anita Shapira
explains that “there is a debate among historians about
Herbert Samuel’s policies”; some wish to see Samuel as well
meaning, whereas others see him as “fostering the radical
forces among [the Arabs] at the expense of the moderates. In
the eyes of Jewish contemporaries at the time, Samuel was
viewed almost as a national traitor...”[26]
In my view the latter assessment is correct, except that I
don’t think Samuel was almost a traitor.
Strong support for my view comes from Herbert
Samuel’s subsequent behavior on the eve of the Holocaust: acting as a representative of the Jews before the
British government, he kept important information secret
that could have saved thousands of European Jewish lives.[27]
Samuel consistently cooperated with the antisemitic feelings
of the majority of British officials -- he was loyal to
them, not to the Jewish people.
Herbert Samuel is supposed to have been “a
proclaimed Zionist,”[28]
and this naturally has something to do with the fact that he
was “one of the architects of the Balfour Declaration.”[29]
But in the final analysis, taking his whole career into
account, if it is proper to call Herbert Samuel a ‘Zionist’
then we urgently need a more precise vocabulary.
The British encouraged the anti-Jewish violence of the late
1920s, took measures against the Jews, and again rewarded
the Arab terrorists
_________________
Kenneth Levin remarks on the
great difference between Herbert Samuel and his non-Jewish successor:
“Samuel was replaced by
Lord Herbert Plumer, who generally resisted further
backtracking from the Mandate even in the face of Arab
pressures, and Plumer’s three years in office saw a marked
decrease in violence. This reflected a pattern that has been
noted by a number of historians who have written on the
Mandate: Appeasement tended to result in increased Arab
violence as violence was perceived as yielding rewards,
while a more steadfast course and rejection of concessions
in the face of violence typically yielded more peaceful
interludes.”[24]
When Plumer left, the British
once again began allowing Arab violence against the Jews. Anita Shapira writes:
“Beginning in 1928, there was mounting tension between Jews
and Arabs. After years [the three Plumer years] in which the British had imposed
impeccable public order and Jews, men and women alike, had
been able to walk freely throughout Palestine in complete
safety and without fear, the situation now changed. There were more and more incidents of rape
of young Jewish women in Jerusalem by Arabs and an
increasing number of robberies in cities and towns
everywhere in the country. ...the background to these
incidents was criminal, not nationalist.”[31]
In 1929, the next year, there was a Zionist
Congress in which Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann remained in
control despite widespread criticism of his acquiescence to
any and all anti-Jewish measures decided by the British
government, measures that violated not only the spirit but
the letter of Britain’s treaty obligations to the
Jews.[32]
Feeling the climate change, and sensing an easy prey, in the
same year of 1929, Hajj Amin al Husseini once again
mobilized Arab mob violence against the Jews in British
Mandate Palestine. Writes Kenneth Levin:
“...shortly following the 1929 [Zionist]
Congress, the de facto leader of the Palestinian
Arabs, Amin al Husseini, Grand Mufti of Jerusalem,
orchestrated large-scale assaults on the Jews of the Yishuv
[Jewish community], attacks that began in Jerusalem and soon
spread throughout the country. In Hebron, one of the hardest
hit targets, more than sixty Jews were killed and the rest
of the community was forced to flee.”[33]
Anita Shapira tells it like this:
“The [1929] riots were accompanied by
militant Arab slogans such as ‘The law of Muhammad is being
implemented by the sword,’ ‘Palestine is our land and the
Jews our dogs,’ ‘We are well armed and shall slaughter you
by the sword.’ There were also brutal acts by Arabs for the
apparent sake of cruelty, such as the killings in Hebron,
where small children were tortured by their murderers before
being murdered. The dread that the Arabs were planning to
annihilate the entire Jewish community -- men, women, and
children -- in one concentrated burst of violence surfaced
for the first time in the wake of the August 1929
disturbances [which]...swept with a fury through Jewish
settlements and neighborhoods throughout the length and
breadth of the country. The danger now appeared to threaten
the very survival of the entire Jewish community.”[34]
What did the British do? As in 1920-21, the
British cooperated with the Arab anti-Jewish violence.
Writes Kenneth Levin:
“For days, British forces across the country
did virtually nothing to stop the carnage. The commission
appointed by then Colonial Secretary Lord Passfield to
investigate the violence submitted a report that was in key
respects a reprise of earlier such exercises: It
acknowledged that the Arabs were fully responsible for the
violence but then recommended restrictions on Jewish
immigration and land purchases to placate the Arabs.
The leaders of the Yishuv and the Zionist
leadership outside the Mandate protested and were supported
by sympathetic segments of the British public. The League of
Nations Permanent Mandates Commission also condemned the
report as offering recommendations that violated Britain’s
Mandate obligations. Still, the Labor government in London
imposed a moratorium on [Jewish] immigration in May, 1930,
and the following fall the government issued the so-called
Passfield White Paper spelling out further anti-Zionist
steps. Protest against the halt to immigration and the White
Paper obliged the government to lift the former and to offer
some softening ‘clarifications’ of the latter, but the White
Paper was not rescinded.”[35]
Anita Shapira relays the opinion of the
Jewish press at the time, which characterized the Arab
leaders as
“...agitators and instigators, who by lying
and deceit whipped up the masses into a religious frenzy and
stirred up uncontrollable urges. They were hypocrites who
tried to play both sides of the fence, enjoying the profits
of land sales to the Jews, while inciting the Arabs against
them in order to strengthen their hold over the masses.”[36]
I think this contemporaneous analysis, made
by the Zionist Jews at the time, gets it just right. The
same Jews, however, failed to recognize the depth of
traditional anti-Jewish racism among ordinary Arabs, which
is precisely what the Arab leaders, chiefly Hajj Amin al
Husseini, were relying on to incite them against the Jews.
In consequence, many Jews naively increased their efforts to
find common cause with the Arab workers against the Arab
feudal lords (effendis).
“...now more than ever in the past, Jews
sought to be active in the Arab sector and made efforts to
find ways to establish ties and advance cooperation.
Socialists found it natural to channel the desire for action
among Arabs by trying to organize Arab workers.”[37]
This naiveté can profitably be compared to
how many Jews today on the ‘left’ increase their efforts to
accommodate their Arab enemies even as Arab violence against
the Jews mounts. History repeats itself, because the culture
of both Jews and Arabs is transmitted vertically from
parents to children, so we see similar self-destructive
responses on the part of Jews mobilized in the face of
similarly intractable terrorist racism on the part of Arabs.
We must not forget, however, the role played by Jewish
leaders without any real concern for the lives of Jews, on
the one hand, and the role played by thoroughly cynical Arab
leaders backed by the great powers, on the other, because
these aspects, too, have been reproduced from the past into
the present.[38]
The Arab terrorist and British puppet Hajj Amin al Husseini becomes a British-Nazi
puppet
______________________________
In 1933 Adolf Hitler came to power in
Germany.
In 1936, once again sensing a political opportunity,
and an easy prey, Hajj Amin did what he did best: mobilize
terrorist violence against the Jews. The first outburst of
violence took place 19 April 1936: the murder of Jews in
Jaffa in retaliation against Arabs who had supposedly been
assaulted by Jews in Tel Aviv. But no Arabs had been
assaulted in Tel Aviv: this was just Arab terrorist
incitement, once again.[40]
At first the unrest was in the hands of upstart young Arabs
but very soon Hajj Amin decided that he wanted to direct any
and all violence against the Jews himself.
“...On April 25 [1936], the Mufti [Haj Amin]
induced several of Palestine’s clan leaders to establish an
Arab Higher Committee, with himself as president. It was
this group that supported his call for the nonpayment of
taxes after May 15, to be followed by a nationwide strike of
Arab workers and businesses.
...Haj Amin loosed a series of grim warnings
of the ‘revenge of God Almighty.’ The initial outburst of
Arab violence was then followed by a mass strike against the
government’s immigration policy... Enforced by the
Mufti’s strong-arm men, the work stoppage paralyzed
government and public transportation services, as well as
Arab business and much of Arab agriculture...”[41]
(my emphasis)
This strike, which Hajj Amin, as we see
above, enforced with violence against ordinary Arabs,
“crippled the economy of the entire Mandate,” and punished
the Arabs especially.[42]
Soon, “al Husseini unleashed another wave of Arab massacres
of Jews as well as attacks on Jewish farms that entailed
wide destruction of crops.”[43]
The strike and accompanying terrorist violence was called
the ‘Arab Revolt.’
“...By midsummer 1936 the intensity of the
fighting mounted as Arab irregulars poured into the hill
country around Jerusalem, into Galilee and Samaria. A
majority of them at first were local Palestinians recruited
by Haj Amin’s agents. But soon ‘Committees for the Defense
of Palestine’ were established in neighboring Arab lands.
Syrian and Iraqi volunteers began arriving in Palestine at
the rate of two or three hundred a month. Their leader,
Fawzi al-Qawukji, played a vital role in the ensuing civil
war... He was a compact, sandy-haired man in his early
forties when the civil war began, gruff, vigorous, and
endowed with an unquestionable dynamism that he cultivated
in open imitation of his hero, Adolf Hitler. During
the summer of 1936 it was Qawukji who organized military
training among the Arab nationalists, imposing a single,
unified command over the disparate rebel forces and
helping smuggle in Axis [i.e. Nazi German and fascist
Italian] weapons. His guerilla technique rarely varied.
It took the form of night assaults on Jewish farms, the
destruction of cattle and crops, the murder of civilians.”[44]
(my emphases)
As we see above, this terrorist ‘Arab Revolt’
was supported by the fascists in Germany and Italy.
Historian Howard Sachar explains the context leading up to
the ‘Arab Revolt’:
[Quote from Howard Sachar begins here]
“With his impressive African staging bases in
Libya, Ethiopia, and Italian Somaliland, [Italian fascist
leader, and Hitler ally, Benito] Mussolini could indeed
begin to look westward toward French Tunisia, and eastward
toward Egypt and the Levant, the historic destinations of
the merchant fleets of Venice, Genoa, and Trieste. A
high-powered Italian short-wave radio station in Bari
broadcast Arabic-language propaganda nightly to the Mahgreb
[Muslim North Africa] and the Middle East, striking
systematically at Britain’s and France’s tenure in their
Arab lands of occupation. Posturing as the ‘friend and
protector of Islam,’ the Duce at the same time left no doubt
that he regarded the Mediterranean as mare nostrum -- our
(Italy’s) sea.
The Italian campaign for influence in the
Moslem world was shrewdly reinforced by Nazi Germany. Hitler
may have evinced little enthusiasm for projecting German
territorial claims into the eastern Mediterranean; it was
understood that the Middle East was Italy’s sphere of
expansion. But it was the Führer’s intention to erode the
Allied position in a region widely considered to be the very
pivot of Anglo-French imperial and defensive power. By 1935,
therefore, the Nazi propaganda bureau was subsidizing a wide
variety of Middle Eastern courses, institutes, and journals,
and spending millions of marks on the ‘educational’
activities of German cultural and press attachés in the
Islamic world. Beginning in 1938, the newly equipped German
radio station at Seesen transmitted propaganda to the Middle
East in all the languages of the area (except, of course,
Hebrew). Combined with the broadcasts of radio Bari and
Spain’s Radio Sevilla [run by the Spanish fascist regime of
Francisco Franco], these programs won a large and
appreciative reception in the Arab world. So did the
‘goodwill’ visits to the Middle East of eminent Nazi
figures, among them Dr. Hjalmar Schacht and Baldur von
Shirach.
One particularly successful Axis technique of
winning favor among the Arabs had its basis in ideology.
German journalists and diplomats constantly drew parallels
between Nazi Pan-Germanism and ‘the youthful power of
Pan-Arab nationalism [which] is the wave of the Arab
future.’ More significantly, the Arabs were reminded of the
enemies they shared in common with the Nazis. Even in the
mid-1930s, when Berlin exercised a certain restraint in
ventilating its animosity against Britain and France, Nazi
German diplomats evinced no hesitation whatever in
publicizing the Nazi anti-Jewish campaign. Hardly a German
Arabic-Language newspaper or magazine appeared in the Middle
East without a sharp thrust against the Jews. Reprints of
these strictures were widely distributed by the [Jerusalem]
Mufti’s Arab Higher Committee. Upon introducing the
Nuremberg racial laws in 1935, therefore, Hitler received
telegrams of congratulation and praise from all corners of
the Arab world. The Palestine newspaper al-Liwa eagerly
borrowed the Nazi slogan ‘One Country, One People, One
Leader.’ Ahmed Hussein, leader of the ‘Young Egypt’
movement, confided to the Lavoro Fascista that ‘Italy and
Germany re today the only true democracies in Europe, and
the others are only parliamentary plutocracies.’ A
delegation of Iraqi sporting associations, returning from a
trip to Germany in September 1937, expressed their profound
admiration for ‘National Socialist order and discipline.’
During a visit to Transjordan in 1939, Carl Raswan, a noted
German-born journalist, was struck by the near-unanimity of
Arab opinion that only ‘Italy and Germany were strong, and
England and the whole British Empire existed only by the
grace of Mussolini and Hitler.’ Throughout the Arab Middle
East, a spate of ultra-right-wing political groupings and
parties developed in conscious imitation of Nazism and
Italian fascism.”[45]
[Quote from Howard Sachar ends here]
In the wake of the ‘Arab Revolt’ the British
yet again appointed a Commission to ‘investigate’ and,
naturally, proposed punishing the Jews and rewarding the
Arab terrorists with a partition plan that would give the
Jews just 4 percent of the original Mandate territory
for a Jewish state, giving all of Transjordan, and the rest
of ‘Palestine’ for an Arab state. The Zionist leader Ben
Gurion decided to accept this outrage (though the League of
Nations was protesting that it violated Britain’s Mandate
obligations to the Jews). Hajj Amin, however, led the Arabs in a total
refusal, which reveals that the ‘Palestinian movement’ was
never interested in a Palestinian Arab state, but merely in
preventing the Jews from having any state -- even if it
was just 4% of the original Mandate territory -- where the
Jewish people could live free of persecution.[46]
Such views agreed perfectly with the ideology of Hajj Amin’s
Nazi sponsors, which was also the ideology of Hajj Amin:
death to all the Jews.
“Shortly afterwards, the Arabs, under the
Grand Mufti [Hajj Amin] and with Nazi encouragement,
initiated open rebellion in the Mandate. They targeted Jews,
British officials and troops, and Arabs considered too
accommodating of the Jews. Over the next two years, the
Mufti’s forces killed more than four hundred Jews and
several thousand Arabs.”[47]
(my emphasis)
Hajj Amin and his thugs were killing many
more Arabs than Jews; the leaders of the ‘Palestinian
movement’ have always been as bad or worse for the Arabs
they pretend to lead than they are for the Jews (and this
means that those who support the ‘Palestinian movement’ have
never done so out of compassion for these Arabs).
The British reaction to this violence, after
they put it down, was, once again, to punish the Jews, and
in 1939, right before the Holocaust was to begin, they
sharply restricted Jewish immigration to ‘Palestine’ and
committed themselves to creating an independent Arab state
in ‘Palestine’ within ten years. This new policy has been
called the Chamberlain White Paper or the MacDonald White
Paper (Malcolm MacDonald was at this time the Colonial Secretary), and it
constituted a “death warrant for much of European Jewry.”[48]
It is hard to exaggerate the extremity of the
British position. After the outbreak of the World War, there
were brutal British searches for weapons in Jewish
settlements, and they denied entry to ‘Palestine’ to three
ships that came full of Jewish immigrants escaping Adolf
Hitler.
“The heads of the [Jewish] community and the
Jewish Agency beseeched the [British] authorities to allow
the Jews to stay in Palestine, even if in detention, until
the authorities were convinced that these people were, in
truth, genuine refugees and not dangerous spies, as the
British alleged. Their pleas were in vain. The high
commissioner, Harold MacMichael, was determined to send them
to Mauritius [an island in the middle of nowhere, in the
Indian Ocean] in order to set an example for all to see: The
intended message was that there was no sense in continuing
with illegal immigration. The passengers onboard the
Milos and the Pacific, and some of those on the
Atlantic, were transferred to the deportation ship
Patria. Hagana members decided to prevent the sailing of
the Patria by planting a bomb aboard that would cause
damage to the ship [Hagana = initially ineffective Jewish
self-defense militia created in response to Arab terrorist
attacks, but which later formed the backbone of what became
the Israeli Defense Forces]. They hoped that this delay
would facilitate a change in decisions in London. The result
was disastrous: The blast was much larger than expected; and
enormous hole was blown in the ship, and nearly three
hundred passengers perished.”[49]
The tragedy of the Patria, however,
did cause Winston Churchill to intervene and the survivors
from this accident were allowed to stay. But Winston
Churchill’s compassion, if that’s what it was, could not be
moved with respect to the rest of the refugees:
“The rest of the Atlantic refugees,
who were interned in the meantime in Atlit, were brought by
force aboard two deportation ships and sent on a long
journey to Mauritius. Their evacuation was accompanied by a
show of brutal force that made even many of the British
police officers flinch. General Nim, with whom Shertock had
discussed the matter, expressed shock that the Jews could
dare damage a much-needed ship like the Patria during
time of war. Yet significantly, he was not perturbed in the
least by the allocation of ships and other resources for
sending refugees to Mauritius.
...[The British] conducted searches for
weapons in Jewish settlements...in the early years of the
war as if it was the principal military mission of the hour.
...The Jews did not use weapons against the British, and all
victims killed during the aggressive searches were Jewish.”[50]
Hajj Amin al Husseini, leader of the ‘Palestinian movement,’
becomes an architect of Adolf Hitler’s Final Solution, and
then continues the extermination effort beyond the
World War, helping create Al Fatah, the controlling
core of
the
PLO
____________________________________________________
Because the so-called ‘Arab Revolt’ had been
directed in part against the British and supported by the
Nazis, the British for once moved against Hajj Amin, and he
became a fugitive. A furious 1948 New York Post
article against the ex-Mufti, by Immanuel Velikovsky,
states that
“...The ex-Mufti escaped from Jerusalem and
Palestine in the garb of a woman. In Syria he was on
Mussolini’s payroll. When, with the beginning of the war,
his position in Syria, a French mandate, became ‘insecure,’
he escaped to Iraq. There he worked hard and succeeded in
[organizing a coup,] bringing Iraq into the war against the
Allies, the declaration of war having been made on May 2,
1941. At that time the Nazis’ entered Greece and Egypt.”[51]
While in Iraq, Hajj Amin organized a pogrom
like the ones he had been organizing in 'Palestine' against
the Iraqi Jewish community, which ended some 2600 years of
Jewish life in Iraq. This pogrom was called the Farhud.[52]
Velikovsky continues,
“When the [Iraqi] revolt was
crushed (mainly by the Jewish volunteers from Palestine),
the ex-Mufti escaped to Iran and hid himself in the Japanese
Embassy there. From Teheran he escaped to Italy, where his
arrival was announced by the Fascist radio as a ‘great and
happy event’; in November, 1941, he arrived in Berlin and
was received by Hitler. In 1942 the ex-Mufti organized the
Arab Legion that fought the American invasion in Africa...”[53]
The substance of Hajj Amin’s
28 November 1941 interview
with Adolf Hitler is preserved in a Nazi document that
summarizes the exchange between the two men:
“The Führer then made the following statement
to the Mufti, enjoining him to lock it in the uttermost
depths of his heart:
1. He (the Führer) would carry on the battle
to the total destruction of the Judeo-Communist empire in
Europe.
2. At some moment which was impossible to set
exactly today but which in any event was not distant, the
German armies would in the course of this struggle reach the
southern exit from Caucasia.
3. As soon as this had happened, the Führer
would on his own give the Arab world the assurance that its
hour of liberation had arrived. Germany’s objective would
then be solely the destruction of the Jewish element
residing in the Arab sphere under the protection of British
power [my emphasis]. In that hour the Mufti would be the
most authoritative spokesman for the Arab world. It would
then be his task to set off the Arab operations which he had
secretly prepared. When that time had come, Germany could
also be indifferent to French reaction to such a
declaration.”[54]

Hajj Amin al
Husseini meets with Hitler
(Berlin, 1941)
The same document states that the Mufti, “was
fully reassured and satisfied by the words which he had
heard from the Chief of the German State.” That is, he was
“fully reassured and satisfied” that Hitler would (1) help
him carry out the destruction of all Jews living in the Arab
sphere and, (2) based on that Final Solution, make him “the
most authoritative spokesman in the Arab world.” Once again,
this shows that Hajj Amin al Husseini was not interested in
defending any Arabs, but rather interested in killing Jews.
Hajj Amin would now demonstrate his special predilection
with a vengeance by leading Adolf Hitler’s extermination
program against the European Jews.
This has been well established.
Dieter Wisliceny was one of the most
important deputies of Adolf Eichmann, the same Eichmann who
was officially the chief architect of Adolf Hitler’s Final Solution (Wisliceny
was eventually tried for war crimes in Czechoslovakia and
executed).[55]
At Adolf Eichmann’s own war-crimes trial in Israel, the
earlier Nuremberg testimony of Dieter Wisliceny was presented. This
included Wisliceny’s remarks about Hajj Amin al Husseini.
Strictly speaking, these were Wisliceny’s reactions to
somebody else’s report of what Wisliceny had said about Hajj
Amin. The only thing that Wisliceny corrected was the other
person’s mistaken beliefs that 1) Wisliceny had described
Eichmann as a German born in Palestine, and that 2)
Wisliceny had described Hajj Amin as a close personal friend
of Heinrich Himmler. So Wisliceny agreed with all of the
following:
“The Mufti [Hajj Amin] is a sworn enemy of
the Jews and has always fought for the idea of annihilating
the Jews. He sticks to this idea always, also in his talks
with [Adolf] Eichmann ... The Mufti is one of the originators of
the systematic destruction of European Jewry by the Germans,
and he has become a permanent colleague, partner and
adviser to Eichmann...in the implementation of this
programme.”[56]
(my emphasis)
In other words, Hajj Amin al Husseini,
at the very top of the Nazi
leadership, planned with Adolf Eichmann from the very
beginning, and then supervised and directed as “permanent
colleague, partner and adviser to Eichmann,” the World War II extermination of the European Jews.
That Hajj Amin “always fought for the idea of annihilating
the Jews” is important, because it suggests that
somebody needed convincing. In fact, as historian Tobias
Jersak explains,
“Since the 1995 publication
of Michael Wildt's documentation on the SS's Security
Service (Sicherheitsdienst SD) and the 'Jewish Question', it
has been undisputed that from 1933 Nazi policy concerning
the 'Jewish Question' aimed at the emigration of all Jews,
preferably to Palestine. If their life were made miserable
enough, Nazi planners calculated, the Jews would emigrate
'voluntarily' and leave their property behind.
Moreover, the Ha'avara transfer
agreement granted 'privileges' for those Jews willing to
emigrate to Palestine, allowing them to transfer at least
part of their property. Correspondingly, the
Zionist movement was intentionally supported, whereas
assimilatory associations in Germany were 'hindered as much
as possible, in order to cause them to align themselves with
the Zionist camp'.”[56a]
What caused the German Nazis to change
their mind from a policy of kicking the Jews out to one of
killing them all? The scholars Michael Marrus and Robert
Paxton explain that
“until the autumn of 1941...
no one defined the final solution with precision, but all
signs pointed toward some vast and as yet unspecified
project of mass emigration.”[56b]
So what happened in the autumn of 1941? As mentioned
earlier,
“in November, 1941, [Hajj
Amin al Husseini] arrived in Berlin and was received by
Hitler.”[53]
According to the documentation presented at the Eichmann
trial, the decision to exterminate the
European Jews was taken at the Wannsee Conference that took
place January 20, 1942, which is less than two months
after Hitler met Hajj Amin.[56c]
Hajj Amin was a genocidal antisemite who didn’t have
anything to learn from Adolf Hitler and Adolf Eichmann. On
the contrary, it may have been Eichmann and Hitler who
learned a thing or two from Hajj Amin. After all, it was
Hajj Amin who, when he arrived in Berlin in 1941, had some
twenty years years of direct experience organizing terrorist
violence against the Jews. So Hajj Amin's arrival in Berlin
is perfectly timed to support the view, expressed by
Adolf Eichmann's lieutenant Dieter Wisliceny, that it was
Hajj Amin who convinced the Nazis to opt for total slaughter
as opposed to expulsion.
But
Hajj Amin
did not merely probably suggest, and definitely organize and direct from start to finish the
German Nazi Final Solution as co-chief executive with Adolf Eichmann.
He was also eager to soak his own hands, literally, in
Jewish blood, so he took personal and direct
responsibility for some of the major episodes of European
anti-Jewish mass killing.
As explained by the Encyclopedia of the
Holocaust,
“[Hajj Amin al] Husseini made his
contribution to the Axis war effort in his capacity as a
Muslim, rather than as an Arab leader, by recruiting and
organizing in record time [my emphasis], during the
spring of 1943, Bosnian Muslim battalions in Croatia
comprising some twenty thousand men.
These Muslim volunteer units, called Hanjar (sword),[57]
were put in Waffen-SS units, fought [the mostly Serbian]
Yugoslav partisans in Bosnia, and carried out police and
security duties in Hungary. They participated in the
massacre of [mostly Serbian, Jewish, and Roma (Gypsy)]
civilians in Bosnia and volunteered to join in the hunt for
Jews in Croatia... [my emphasis]. The Germans made a
point of publicizing the fact that Husseini had flown from
Berlin to Sarajevo for the sole purpose of giving his
blessing to the Muslim army and inspecting its arms and
training exercises.”[58]

Hajj Amin
(center, in black coat and white hat) does the Nazi salute
as he inspects his Nazi SS Bosnian Muslim troops.
Hajj Amin's Bosnian Muslim SS troops
killed hundreds of thousands of people (mainly Serbs, Jews,
and Roma) in their homes or else sent them to die in the
vast Croatian concentration camp system known as Jasenovac.[58a]
In addition to the SS Handzar
division, Hajj Amin also created in Bosnia the SS
Freiwilligen-BH-Gebirgs-Division. The French newspaper Le
Monde quotes from a speech Hajj Amin gave to his
assembled troops:
“‘You
must be the example and beacon in the fight against the
common enemies of National-Socialism [Nazism] and Islam.’
November 1943. In the heart of Bosnia, the Grand Mufti
of Jerusalem, Hajj Amin al Husseini finishes his speech,
and then slowly reviews the troops of the SS
Freiwilligen-BH-Gebirgs-Division, the volunteers of the
mountain division in Bosnia-Herzegovina.”[58b]
After the war, the Yugoslav government issued
a warrant for Hajj Amin’s arrest for war crimes. The Western
Allies captured him. They should have tried him
for war crimes at Nuremberg or turned him over to
Yugoslavia. Instead, he mysteriously escaped.
Immanuel Velikovsky's furious 1948 article in the New York
Post accuses,
“In August 1945, Yugoslavia asked that the
ex-Mufti be placed on the official list of war criminals.
What is the reason for the failure to bring him to trial in
Germany, where he was captured when Germany collapsed?
...according to the Charter of the
International Tribunal at Nuremberg, the ex-Mufti is a
criminal on all three counts, for crimes against peace, war
crimes, and crimes against humanity.”[60]
The reason that Hajj Amin was
not brought to trial, is that the British and French
governments did not want to. It was the French who held him,
and despite repeated insistence in the House of Commons that
he be extradited to Great Britain and tried as a war
criminal for his crimes against the Jews, the British
government refused to do this, and in fact declared our loud
that Hajj Amin was not a war criminal (if not him, who?).[60a]
The French put him on house arrest. Question: When do you put the man who is arguably history’s greatest war criminal
on house arrest? Answer: When you want him to
escape. And in fact, surveillance had been relaxed so much
that Hajj Amin was allowed to make a trip to Paris, where he
got a passport from one of the Arab Legations, and made his
escape.[60b]
He went to Cairo. Nathan Weinstock explains what
happened next.
“The reappearance of the Mufti [Hajj Amin] in
Cairo in May 1946 considerably reinforced the Husseinis’
prestige. As he was banned from Palestine, his cousin Jamal
Al Husseini asserted himself in the country as the spiritual
leader of Palestinian nationalism.
By falling once more under the control of the
Husseinis, Palestinian nationalism was led into the most
extreme chauvinism. The Arab Higher Committee resorted to
systematic terror to crush the last vestiges of Jewish-Arab
cooperation in every area of social life. It rejected not
merely the proposed partition of the country and all further
immigration, but even the proposal that the Palestinian Jews
should be given national minority status [in an Arab
state].”[62]
So once again Hajj Amin was
attacking his fellow Arabs in order to advance his supreme
goal: the extermination of the Jews. Notes Weinstock:
“Even the Communist organizations ended up
following the orders of the Husseinis’ Arab Higher
Committee. Moreover, the latter used terror and political
assassination to eliminate their opponents. Palestinian
nationalism sank once again into clannish faction fights and
vendettas.”[61]
It is unclear why Nathan Weinstock would
insist on calling Arab terror against fellow Arabs
“Palestinian nationalism,” particularly when the
point of this terror was to intimidate any pro-Jewish Arabs
so that the anti-Jewish extermination effort could be
re-launched. But if we remember that Nathan
Weinstock is an anti-Zionist who defends the justice of the
‘Palestinian movement,’ we have an obvious clue.
In 1947 the UN voted to create
a Jewish and an Arab state in ‘Palestine.’ In reaction, the
Arabs in ‘Palestine,’ led by Hajj Amin al Husseini, and the
Arabs living in Arab states, considered that it was much
more important to kill the Jews in ‘Palestine’ than to get
an Arab state, and they launched a war of extermination.
Azzam Pasha, Secretary General of the Arab League (a British
creation), promised: “This will be a war of extermination
and a momentous massacre, which will be spoken of like the
Mongolian massacres and the Crusades.”[64]
In addressing the UN Security Council in April 1948, Jamal
Husseini, Hajj Amin's cousin and
spokesperson for his Arab Higher
Committee, straightforwardly and proudly admitted that this
was a war of aggression: “The representative of the Jewish
Agency told us yesterday that they were not the attackers,
that the Arabs had begun the fighting. We did not deny this.
We told the whole world that we were going to fight.”[65] Hajj Amin
himself issued a fatwa (legal Islamic pronouncement) to
murder all the Jews that had survived his Nazi Final
Solution: “I declare a holy war, my Moslem
brothers! Murder the Jews! Murder them all!”[63]
One of Hajj Amin's soldiers, in this
genocidal war, was Yasser Arafat. According to David N.
Bossie, writing in the Washington Times,
“The
mufti [Hajj Amin] barely escaped trial for [war crimes] by
fleeing to Egypt in 1946. There he made young Yasser
Arafat, then living in Cairo, his protégé. The mufti
secretly imported a former Nazi commando officer into
Egypt to teach Mr. Arafat and other teenage recruits the
fine points of guerrilla warfare [NOTE:
In fact, these Nazis were sent to
Egypt by the CIA]. Mr. Arafat learned his
lessons well; the mufti was so proud of him he even
pretended the two of them were blood relations.”[70a]
This agrees with Yassar Arafat’s
own statements. For example, in 2002, Arafat said the
following to an interviewer from the pro-PLO, London-based,
Arabic-language newspaper al-Sharq
al-Awsat (his comments were picked up by the leading
Palestinian daily Al-Quds):
“We are the Mighty People. Were they able to
replace our hero Hajj Amin al-Husseini? ...There were
a number of attempts to get rid of Hajj Amin, whom they
considered an ally of the Nazis. But even so, he lived in