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Hace algunos días,
dirigiéndose a la Conferencia de Presidentes de Organizaciones Judías
en Estados Unidos, el primer ministro Israelí, Benjamín Netanyahu, hizo
una declaración interesante. Malcolm Hoenlein,
el vicepresidente ejecutivo, le preguntó sobre “las pláticas directas”
con la Autoridad Palestina, y sobre “las cuestiones finales y
especialmente el tema de Jerusalén.” Netanyahu le contestó: “Pienso
que
la
conexión al pueblo judío de Jerusalén es parte íntima de nuestra
conexión con nuestra tierra, y pienso que, ustedes todos saben que hay
barrios judíos en Jerusalén que bajo cualquier acuerdo de paz
permanecerán donde están como parte de Israel. No creo que esté bajo
disputa y pienso que lo último que debemos hacer es nuevamente apilar
agravios y precondiciones que le eviten al liderazgo israelí y al
liderazgo palestino resolver estos problemas.”[1] Los jefes de
Estado—y en especial este primer ministro israelí—hablan en público con
mucho cuidado. Veamos. Netanyahu dice que “hay barrios judíos en
Jerusalén que bajo cualquier acuerdo de paz permanecerán donde están
como parte de Israel”, y sobre eso comenta: “creo que eso no está bajo
disputa.” O sea, hay otros barrios de Jerusalén que
sí están bajo disputa, y esos barrios sí pueden ser separados de Israel
en la negociación de “cuestiones finales.” La confirmación: Netanyahu
afirma que “lo último que debemos hacer es apilar... precondiciones” a
las pláticas entre líderes israelíes y palestinos. Es decir, no hay que
insistir demasiado sobre la precondición de una Jerusalén indivisible
como capital de un Estado judío. El Jewish
Post
and
News interpretó las palabras de Netanyahu como hacemos
aquí, y concluyó en su encabezado que “Netanyahu intimó flexibilidad
sobre Jerusalén.” En el cuerpo del artículo escribió: “Lo que implican
las palabras de Netanyahu—que otros barrios de Jerusalén quizá no se
queden ‘donde están,’ convirtiéndose en parte de un Estado
palestino—fue el primer atisbo de que el líder israelí quizá sea
flexible sobre el tema de Jerusalén. Hasta ahora, Netanyahu ha
insistido que Jerusalén no se negocia.”[2] Es un cambio
dramático: pasar del “no se negocia” a “lo último que debemos hacer es
apilar... precondiciones.” Para quienes hayan
interpretado que los barrios de Jerusalén negociables son
exclusivamente los árabes, cuidado. Netanyahu no dijo “los barrios
judíos de Jerusalén... permanecerán donde están” sino esto: “hay
barrios judíos en Jerusalén que... permanecerán donde están,” y eso es
consistente con una posición que considera negociables por lo menos
algunos barrios judíos. Este desarrollo ha
preocupado y asombrado a muchos en la comunidad judía. Cabe la
preocupación pero no el asombro, pues lo que hace aquí Netanyahu es
perfectamente consistente con su carrera política. Para que sus
comportamientos no sean más causa de ‘asombro’ en el futuro, ofrecemos
el siguiente análisis. ___________________________________________________________ Contenido █ Introducción (arriba) █ El anterior periodo de Netanyahu como primer ministro █
Lo
que ahora dice Netanyahu █
Pero,
¿Qué
puede
hacer Netanyahu? ___________________________________________________________ El
anterior
periodo
de Netanyahu como primer ministro En el año de 1996
el electorado israelí votó a favor de Benjamín Netanyahu. ¿Eso qué
quiere decir? Hay que examinar lo que dijo y prometió Netanyahu antes
de su campaña, y durante la misma. En octubre de 1985,
cuando comenzaban los susurros que darían lugar al fatídico proceso de
‘paz’ de Oslo, Benjamín Netanyahu acusó en un editorial del New
York
Times
que “la destrucción de Israel continúa siendo la meta
inamovible de la OLP.” Netanyahu acusó también que todo el ruido de
‘paz’ que la OLP/Fatah comenzaba a hacer (y con el cual
Shimon Peres le vendería Oslo a los israelíes para convertir a OLP/Fatah en la ‘Autoridad Palestina’) era un fraude: “Apenas
en mayo,” apuntó Netanyahu, “Abu Nazir, un
líder de Al Fatah, dijo: ‘Cuando exigimos el
establecimiento de un Estado palestino, o inclusive una confederación
jordana con la OLP, se trata de una estrategia para establecer un
Estado sobre todo Palestina. La ‘política de fases’ nos provee con una
plataforma para nuestras metas últimas.’ ”[2a] Abu Nazir se estaba refiriendo al ‘Plan de Fases’ de Yasser Arafat y Mahmoud Abbas, el cual especifica que OLP/Fatah anunciaría metas limitadas, como un ‘Estado palestino’ en los territorios disputados, para que pudiera construir una plataforma desde la cual “perseguir su meta última de aniquilar a Israel.”[2b] Netanyahu mantuvo
esta retórica hasta mediados de 1996, cuando sus vociferantes
objeciones al proceso de Oslo le ganaron el primer ministerio de
Israel. En la campaña, según explica el historiador Kenneth Levin,
“ningún israelí articuló mejor [los] problemas” que implicaban “las
fallas del proceso de Oslo y los peligros que representaban para
Israel.” De hecho, “en algunos momentos de la campaña indicó que se
proponía... retroceder sobre las concesiones territoriales del gobierno
anterior. Es más, dejó entrever que lo consideraba justificado bajo
Oslo dado que la AP [Autoridad Palestina] no cumplía con sus
obligaciones bajo Oslo.” Cuando era menos agresivo, Netanyahu de todas
formas decía que “congelaría el proceso e insistiría sobre el
cumplimiento de los compromisos previamente contraídos como
prerrequisito para seguir con las negociaciones y cualquier movimiento
israelí.”[3] Esta
postura en contra del proceso de Oslo fue por la que votaron los
israelíes. ¿Por qué? Porque
Yasser Arafat y su Autoridad Palestina los habían estado atacando con
terror muy a pesar de que los israelíes hacían una concesión tras otra. ¿Qué hizo
Netanyahu? Avanzó el proceso de Oslo más rápido que sus
predecesores. Una vez contados
los votos cambió inmediatamente de postura. El Houston Chronicle reportó lo siguiente en junio de 1996,
antes de que Netanyahu pudiera estrenar todavía la silla de primer
ministro: “Los palestinos
pronto declararán un Estado independiente y nadie puede detenerlos,
declaró ayer el Presidente de la Autoridad Palestina, Yasser Arafat.
...Consistente con el tono más moderado de Netanyahu posterior a la
elección, con el cual busca tranquilizar a la gente en su país y fuera
de él sobre su compromiso con el proceso de paz [de Oslo], sus
afirmaciones no denunciaron los comentarios de Arafat; el primer
ministro electo más bien dijo que ‘ve las cosas distinto’ de cómo las
ve Arafat en el tema de las pláticas sobre cuestiones finales.”[3a] Netanyahu iba rápido. Para julio, como se reportó en el New York Times, “El Sr. Netanyahu... dijo que respetaría los acuerdos con los palestinos si ellos hacían lo mismo, y consideraría un encuentro con Yasir Arafat, el líder palestino, si fuera necesario.”[3b] “El 14 de agosto,
1996,” señala Kenneth Levin, Netanyahu “recomenzó las negociaciones con
Arafat sin haber logrado ningún avance sobre la cuestión del
cumplimiento [de la Autoridad Palestina].” En septiembre Arafat acusó
que el gobierno de Israel estaba perforando un túnel peligroso bajo los
sitios sagrados musulmanes (no era cierto) para lanzar una serie de
disturbios violentos, y sus fuerzas armadas inclusive le dispararon a
los soldados israelíes. Naturalmente que la prensa aceptó la
interpretación de Arafat y se reanudó la presión sobre Netanyahu.
“Netanyahu... respondió a la presión recomenzando negociaciones con la
AP, las cuales habían sido brevemente interrumpidas por los
encontronazos, y accedió a retirarse en las siguientes semanas de
Hebrón. Lo hizo a pesar de que no había conseguido ningún cambio en el
patrón de incumplimiento de la AP con sus obligaciones ante Oslo.”
Arafat recibió un 80% de Hebrón. Un Acuerdo Interino, supuestamente
supeditado a la reciprocidad de la Autoridad Palestina en el
cumplimiento de sus obligaciones, y supervisado por los
estadounidenses, llamaba al gobierno israelí a retirarse en etapas de
áreas adicionales.[4] “El ejército
israelí completó su retiro de las áreas cedidas de Hebrón unas cuantas
horas luego de que se aprobara el acuerdo en el Knesset el 16 de enero.
Casi inmediatamente, la AP comenzó a hostigar a la enclave judía en
Hebrón con disturbios, pedradas, bombas de fuego, y disparos. Así
siguieron las cosas intermitentemente a partir de ahí. El gobierno
[israelí] añadió estos eventos en Hebrón a su lista de puntos a
discutir sobre las violaciones de la Autoridad Palestina a sus
compromisos con Oslo y reiteró repetidamente la demanda de
reciprocidad. Pero de todas formas prosiguió y le ofreció a los
palestinos el 7 de marzo otro 9.1 por ciento del territorio de
Cisjordania como el primero de aquellos ‘repliegues pendientes’ que
especificaba el Acuerdo Interino.”[5] Ese repliegue no
sucedió porque los palestinos exigían más del 9.1%. Durante este
periodo, mientras que Netanyahu se quejaba en público del
incumplimiento de la Autoridad Palestina, hubo “incidentes adicionales
de violencia, en muchos casos perpetrados por la ‘policía’ palestina,
incluyendo ataques terroristas iniciados por las fuerzas armadas
palestinas.” Se documentó, entre otras cosas, “los pagos de la AP a
jóvenes palestinos para que armaran disturbios y atacaran a soldados
israelíes y residentes judíos de Hebrón, y el despliegue por parte de
la AP en Hebrón de cuatro veces el número de policías permitidos por el
acuerdo (1500 en vez de 400). ...En enero de 1998 el gabinete aprobó
unánimemente una resolución que ligaba cualquier repliegue futuro a que
la AP cumpliera sus compromisos en el acuerdo de Hebrón.”[6] La presión
internacional y del grueso de la prensa israelí, y de la oposición
dentro de Israel continuó en contra de Netanyahu, a quien representaban
como el villano de la pieza. El gobierno estadounidense rechazó
cualquier exigencia de reciprocidad a la Autoridad Palestina e insistió
que los israelíes se retiraran de un 13% adicional de Cisjordania para
darle a Arafat control efectivo del 40%. En octubre de 1998 Netanyahu
cedió y accedió, en el acuerdo de la Plantación Wye, a ese 13%
adicional. Se suponía que en ese acuerdo los estadounidenses se
comprometían a verificar el cumplimiento de la Autoridad Palestina,
pero al final esto no se hizo.[7] Si lo anterior
fuera poco, con respecto a Siria, “[Netanyahu] siguió
las políticas de sus predecesores inmediatos, buscando un acomodo con
Siria predicado sobre la cesión de Israel de los Altos del Golán.
...Netanyahu también siguió a sus predecesores laboristas en permitirle
a Siria—para mantener ‘vivas’ las posibilidades ilusorias de un
acuerdo—que continuara con su guerra indirecta contra Israel a través
de Líbano sin pagar costo alguno.”[8] Sin duda existe una
percepción de que Netanyahu es ‘más duro’ cuando de defender a Israel
se trata. Sin duda que esa percepción tiene mucho que ver con la
mercadología política que así vende a Netanyahu, y con sus
declaraciones públicas. Pero esta percepción no tiene fundamento alguno
en los hechos de la primera gestión de Netanyahu como
primer ministro. ___________________________________________________________ Lo
que
ahora
dice Netanyahu Hace algunos días
Netanyahu hizo una entrevista muy larga en Estados Unidos con el
periodista Larry King de CNN. En el pie de página reproducimos el texto
integral de la entrevista.[9]
Algunas de sus declaraciones son en lo sumo interesantes y merecen un
examen cuidadoso. Apunto, primero, la
forma como se vende ahora Netanyahu: “Hace 7 meses hice
algo extraordinario, es decir que ningún otro primer ministro en la
historia de Israel hizo esto. Le puse un alto temporal de 10 meses a la
construcción de asentamientos para alentar que los palestinos le
entraran a las pláticas de paz.” Nótese que
Netanyahu está presumiendo que le hace concesiones a
la Autoridad Palestina, a pesar de que ésta continúa incumpliendo y de
que no quiere siquiera participar en pláticas de paz en las que siempre
gana. Más adelante Netanyahu presume que “Mandé quitar cientos de
puntos de control, cientos de retenes” que habían sido construidos para
proteger a los israelíes del terrorismo palestino. Netanyahu dice: “Me
parece importante hacer las paces con los palestinos. Y estoy listo
para negociar esa paz inmediatamente. ...Deben tener su propio país
independiente.” ¿Habrá alguna condición? “Debemos asegurar,” explica,
“que este país [el futuro Estado palestino] no se utilice como
plataforma para ataques terroristas iraníes contra nosotros.” Este discurso es
consistente con otras cosas que afirma Netanyahu. King le pregunta:
“¿Pero entonces Usted favorece absolutamente un Estado palestino?” Y
Netanyahu le contesta: “Así es. Y quiero asegurarme de que—que no haya
una repetición de lo que sucedió las otras dos veces que nos salimos de
un territorio. Usted sabe que dejamos Líbano, hasta el último
centímetro cuadrado. Y luego vino Irán y lo utilizó como plataforma
para lanzar 6,000 cohetes sobre las ciudades israelíes. Seis mil. Nos
fuimos de Gaza, hasta el último centímetro cuadrado, y luego vino Irán
y lo utilizó para armar a sus secuaces y dispararon otros seis mil
cohetes. No podemos permitir que nos suceda por vez tercera.” Sobre Hamas, que
controla Gaza, dice: “Creo que en el caso de Hamas, es básicamente un
brazo, un brazo de terror de Irán. Irán hace un llamado abierto a
destruirnos.” King le pregunta: “Qué—qué hay de Hezbolá, Líbano, que—a
cuatro años de la guerra con Hezbolá y Líbano. ¿Todavía se preocupa de
ellos?” Netanyahu: “Desgraciadamente sí, porque básicamente [Hezbolá]
es un brazo terrorista de Irán.” King le pregunta, “Sr. primer
ministro, Irán, ...¿qué tanto le teme a sus intenciones? ¿Cuál es el
peor escenario para Usted? Y Netanyahu le contesta: “Hemos aprendido en
la historia y en la historia judía a tomarnos en serio a quienes piden
nuestro exterminio.” El argumento está
claro. Netanyahu se opone, afirma, a
que le suceda a Israel “por vez tercera” el fiasco de entregar
territorio y verlo convertido en una base terrorista de Irán, Estado
que
anuncia
en voz alta su propósito de exterminar a los judíos
israelíes. Aquellos fiascos sucedieron cuando Hamas
y
Hezbolá,
brazos terroristas de Irán, obtuvieron territorios que
Israel les regaló. La implicación naturalmente es que OLP/Fatah,
mejor
conocida
como la ‘Autoridad Palestina,’ es distinta, porque
Netanyahu “favorece absolutamente” que obtenga un Estado independiente
y, dice, “estoy listo para
negociar esa paz inmediatamente.” ¿Será? El problema con la
postura de Netanyahu es que OLP/Fatah es, también, un
brazo terrorista de Irán. El régimen
teocrático iraní que se inaugura con la Revolución del Ayatolá Khomeini
en 1979 fue, de hecho, instalado en el poder con la ayuda de OLP/Fatah, pues ellos entrenaron a las guerrillas de
Khomeini. Yasser Aafat, entonces líder de OLP/Fatah,
fue la primera personalidad extranjera en ser invitada, tan solo unos
días luego de tomado el poder, a celebrar en Teherán con Khomeini.
Desde ahí ambos anunciaron que Israel sería destruido y la Revolución
Iraní exportada a todo el mundo musulmán. A lo largo de los años,
aunque a veces han pretendido en público lo contrario, OLP/Fatah
ha mantenido lazos estrechos con el régimen genocida que instaló en el
poder. Nada de esto es difícil de documentar, pues la información toda
es de dominio público, por lo cual los servicios de inteligencia
israelíes, que tanta atención le ponen a OLP/Fatah y a
Irán, forzosamente están al corriente de todo lo presentado en la
siguiente investigación de HIR: ► “OLP/Fatah
e
Iran:
Una relación especial” Un estudio
del Pentágono, por cierto, concluyó que si Judea y Samaria
(‘Cisjordania’) caen en manos del enemigo, Israel no puede sobrevivir,
a la larga, un esfuerzo combinado musulmán por destruirla.[10] Lo más notable de
este estudio del Pentágono es que lo puede encontrar uno, como
apéndice, en un libro que escribió Benjamín Netanyahu,
publicado en el año 2000.[11] O sea que Netanyahu
“favorece absolutamente” darle un territorio indispensable para la
seguridad israelí a un brazo terrorista de Irán, quien anuncia su
propósito de exterminar a los israelíes. Y lo hace sabiendo que ese
territorio es indispensable, y sabiendo que OLP/Fatah
es un brazo terrorista de Irán. Ay
de aquel israelí que se sienta reconfortado de escuchar a Netanyahu
decir, como le dijo a Larry King: “Estoy preparado a tener un Estado
palestino desmilitarizado viviendo junto al Estado judío de Israel.”
Parece una condición: no habrá Estado palestino a menos que sea un
Estado desmilitarizado. Pero hemos visto ya lo que valen las palabras
de Netanyahu. Jerusalén antes no se negociaba, y ahora dice que “lo último que
debemos hacer es nuevamente apilar agravios y precondiciones.” Mahmoud
Abbas
acaba
de decir (julio 17, 2010) que para reanudar platicas de
‘paz’ será necesario que Israel acepte que un tercero sea el garante de
las fronteras de un futuro Estado palestino. Ya hemos visto lo que pasa
en ese caso: ahí el sur de Líbano supuestamente sería garantizado por
las Naciones Unidas, pero la ONU le ha permitido a Hezbolá (o sea, a
Irán) instalarse sin mayor problema, y cada vez con mayores y mejores
armas. Lo que está realmente pidiendo Abbas es que su Estado palestino
pueda ser armado hasta los dientes por Irán. Que nadie se asombre
cuando, en el futuro próximo, Netanyahu (o su sucesor) acceda a esta
condición.[11a] ___________________________________________________________ Pero,
¿Qué
puede
hacer Netanyahu? Netanyahu puede
decir la verdad. No está obligado a decir mentiras. Y su
responsabilidad, como primer ministro israelí, es decirle la verdad a
los ciudadanos israelíes. La verdad es
poderosa. Netanyahu puede convocar ruedas de prensa para informar sobre
el vínculo de OLP/Fatah con Irán, y puede presentar la documentación
que hemos presentado en HIR y mucha más que sin duda tienen los
servicios de inteligencia israelíes. Eso contribuiría, por lo menos, a
socavar la imagen de OLP/Fatah como el supuesto ‘socio
de la paz’ con el Estado judío, pues nadie niega que Irán busca la
destrucción de Israel. El Estado judío peligra porque ha perdido la
guerra de la propaganda, pero el primer ministro israelí, en vez de
refutar esa propaganda que ha prestigiado a OLP/Fatah,
la impulsa con un megáfono mundial en Larry King Live. Pero hay una
información más poderosa todavía. Netanyahu afirma,
como vimos, que “Hemos aprendido en la historia y en la historia judía
a tomarnos en serio a quienes piden nuestro exterminio.” Pues bien,
entonces debiera tomarse en serio a Hajj Amin al Husseini. Husseini no se
contentó con pedir el exterminio de los judíos, sino que lo dirigió
para los nazis alemanes. Fue el instigador, organizador, y director de
la gran matanza junto con su mejor amigo, Adolfo Eichmann, cosa que se
documentó en los juicios por crímenes de guerra de Nuremberg. Luego de
eso, en la posguerra, Husseini le dio entrenamiento nazi a Yasser
Arafat y Mahmoud Abbas en Cairo, apadrinando la creación de OLP/Fatah. Eso lo
documentamos aquí: ► “How did the 'Palestinian movement' emerge? The British
sponsored it. Then the German Nazis, and the US.” Benjamín Netanyahu
“favorece absolutamente” que un brazo terrorista de Irán, creado por el
máximo líder de la Solución Final nazi, se instale en territorio
estratégico del Estado judío. ¿Éste es un líder judío?
¿A dónde está la evidencia, pues, de que ha aprendido tanto de la
historia? ¿Tiene alternativa?
Pues claro. Netanyahu puede convocar ruedas de prensa para informar
sobre los orígenes nazi de OLP/Fatah. Eso destruiría
por completo el circo diplomático y mediático con el cual se ha
prestigiado a OLP/Fatah como el supuesto ‘socio de la
paz’ con Israel. Pero Netanyahu no lo hace. Al contrario: Netanyahu le
brinda su prestigio al fraude.
¿O será que
Netanyahu no sabe? Eso es imposible. En primer lugar, no es
precisamente un secreto para quienes investigan el tema, y menos para
quienes cuentan con un servicio de inteligencia dedicado a investigar a
OLP/Fatah. Además, un servidor, el autor de este
artículo, fue expulsado de la Universidad de Pennsylvania por divulgar
los orígenes nazi de OLP/Fatah en Israel National News. Si
fuera poco, bajo presión nuestra,[12] el
candidato que compitió con Netanyahu en las últimas primarias por el
liderazgo de Likud, Moshe Feiglin, publicó
durante su campaña contra Netanyahu un artículo en el que explicó las
raíces de OLP/Fatah en la Solución Final nazi. Es imposible,
pues, que Netanyahu no esté enterado. Que nadie se
asombre de ver a Netanyahu dando indicios de querer entregarle partes
de Jerusalén al enemigo. Y no se asombren, tampoco, de escucharle decir
a Larry King que “Estoy preparado a
liberar a 1,000 prisioneros palestinos a cambio de Gilad [Shalit],” con
lo cual le enseñará a Hamas lo bien que paga el terrorismo, y lo
redituable que es secuestrar a un soldado judío. No se asombren.
Pero preocúpense. Eso sí.
Fuentes
y
Lecturas
Adicionales [1] “PM Netanyahu addresses Conference of Presidents of
American Jewish Organizations”; Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs [2]
“Netanyahu hints at flexibility on Jerusalem”; Jewish Post and News;
Thursday, 08 July 2010 08:39; by Uriel Heilman [2a] BENJAMIN NETANYAHU: “...the destruction of Israel remains
the P.L.O.’s unchanging goal... As recently as May, Abu Nazir, a leader
of al Fatah, said: ‘When we demand the establishment of a Palestinian
state, or even a Jordan-P.L.O. confederation, this is a strategy
leading to the establishment of a state over all of Palestine. The
‘phased policy’ provides us with a springboard towards further
goals’...” FUENTE:
Face
Up
to the P.L.O.'s True Nature, The New York Times, October 16,
1985, Wednesday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 27, Column 1;
Editorial Desk, 792 words, By Benjamin Netanyahu; Benjamin Netanyahu is
Israel's permanent representative to the United Nations and editor of
the forthcoming book ''Terrorism: How the West Can Win.'' [2b] “Shortly after signing the Declaration of Principles and
the famous handshake between [PLO leader Yasser] Arafat and [Israeli
prime minister] Yitzhak Rabin on the White House lawn, Arafat was
declaring to his Palestinian constituency over Jordanian television
that Oslo was to be understood in terms of the [PLO’s] Palestine
National Council’s 1974 decision. This was a reference to the so-called
Plan of Phases, according to which the Palestine Liberation
Organization [PLO] would acquire whatever territory it could by
negotiations, then use that land as a base for pursuing its ultimate
goal of Israel’s annihilation. FUENTE:
Levin,
K.
2005. The Oslo syndrome: Delusions of a people under siege.
Hanover, NH: Smith and Kraus. (p.ix) [3] Levin, K. (2005). The Oslo syndrome:
Delusions of a people under siege. Hanover, NH: Smith and Kraus.
(p.397) [3a] “The Palestinians will soon declare an independent state
and no one can stop them, Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat
said yesterday. ...In keeping with Netanyahu’s post-election moderate
tone, with which he seeks to reassure people at home and abroad of his
commitment to the peace process, his statement did not denounce
Arafat’s remarks but rather said the premier-elect ‘sees things
differently’ from Arafat on final status talks.” FUENTE:
Moment
for
courage upon us in the Mideast, The Houston Chronicle, June
9, 1996, Sunday, 2 STAR Edition, OUTLOOK; Outlook; Pg. 5, 1133 words,
JAMES A. BAKER III [3b]
“Mr.
Netanyahu...has said that he would abide by the accords with the
Palestinians if they do, and would consider meeting Yasir Arafat, the
Palestinian leader, if necessary. Mr. Sharon has condemned the
agreements as ‘terrible and dangerous’ and calls Mr. Arafat a terrorist
and war criminal.” FUENTE:
Sharon Joins Netanyahu's Cabinet at Last, The New York Times, July 9,
1996, Tuesday, Late Edition - Final, Section A; Page 6;
Column 1; Foreign Desk , 679 words, By JOEL GREENBERG ,
JERUSALEM, July 8 [4] The Oslo syndrome (pp.398-402) [5] The Oslo syndrome (pp.402-403) [6] The Oslo syndrome (pp.403-404) [7] The Oslo syndrome (pp.406-410) [8] The Oslo syndrome (pp.411) [9] Interview With Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu;
CNN; July 7, 2010 Wednesday; NEWS; International; 5805 words; Larry King [ FULL
TRANSCRIPT ] KING: We only go back -- well, almost 30 years. B.B., that's
his nickname, but I have to refer to him as Prime Minister Netanyahu
because that's formality here. Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime
minister in New York, a city he knows very well, used to be ambassador
to the U.N. Let's get right to it. It's good seeing you again, by the
way. NETANYAHU: Good to see you, Larry. You didn't have to reveal how
far back we go together. KING: That's right, you got a point. A few months ago, you
went to the White House. It didn't go too well. What changed yesterday? NETANYAHU: I think there's an underlying relationship there that
people don't appreciate. We have our ups and downs. People focus on the
downs and the downs are exaggerated and sometimes distorted. But there
is ups and there's a basic bedrock of identification, common values
between Israel and the United States. The president gives it
expression. I give it expression. And yesterday's meeting gave it
expression. I think there is a solidity of ties between Israel and the
United States that the president of the United States and the prime
minister of Israel reflect in their meeting. KING: No matter who holds the posts? NETANYAHU: I think every prime minister, every president, has his
own points, his own viewpoints, but there's a common position of
friendship and a basic alliance that is there, that really is continued
by all leaders, whoever they are. That was definitely the case
yesterday. KING: Mr. Prime Minister, have there been times, though, since
President Obama took office, where you felt that friendship or that tie
weakened? NETANYAHU: No, a lot of things that the public is not aware of that
throughout the year and some that I've been in office, we've had
continuous cooperation in the fields of security, in the fields of
intelligence, in the fields of vital strategic importance to Israel and
the United States. And that seems to go unnoticed or unremarked. People
always focus on differences of views that we may have. They're minor
compared to the things that unite us. We
have -- Israel is the only democracy in the Middle East. America's the
world's greatest democracy. We have both common values and,
unfortunately, common enemies. The people who attack the United States
and the Middle East attack Israel. The people that we are fighting are
the people you are fighting. So there's a great commonalty, a great
cooperation that goes underneath the surface. And sometimes, I'm happy
to say, it does come to the surface. It did yesterday. It really should
be an indication of something that guides our relationship throughout. KING: So there's no time that you question President Obama's
commitment to your country? NETANYAHU: No. And I think there's no time that he questioned
Israel's unwavering commitment as a firm American ally. I would say
there is no greater ally, no greater friend of the United States, than
Israel. And there is no greater friend and no greater ally of Israel
than the United States. KING: There were those who were saying, though, in the past
few months, until that meeting yesterday, the relationships were at the
lowest they have been in 35 years. Do you buy that? NETANYAHU: Look, no, I don't. I think the support for Israel and
the American people and the intertwining of interests and cooperation
between our governments is increasing all the time. It's obscured by
the bumps on the road. But there's no question that the road is going
forward and going upwards, I have no doubt about that. KING: All right, let's get into some things. Mr. Prime
Minister, you say that you want to have direct talks with the
Palestinians. So when are you and President Abbas, the Palestinian
Authority, going to sit down? When's it going to happen? It's so
frustrating to the world -- NETANYAHU: That's a very -- that's an excellent question that I've
been asking for a year and a quarter, ever since I got into office. On
day one that I got in, I said President Abbas, the Palestinian
president, meet me and let's talk peace. And I
use this forum today, on the "Larry King" show, to say, President
Abbas, meet me, and let's talk peace. We all have our grievances. We
all have our, you know, our questions and things that we want answered.
But the most important thing is to get together, sit down in a room and
begin to negotiate peace. You cannot resolve a conflict, you cannot
successfully complete a peace negotiation if you don't start it. And I
say let's start it right now, today, tomorrow, in Jerusalem, in
Ramallah or anywhere else. I'm prepared to go to a warm city like New
York or a cool city anywhere. Let's get on with the business of talking
peace and concluding the peace agreement. KING: So, forgive me, what's holding it up? He could watch
this show. We did a show some years ago with Arafat, with Yitzhak Rabin
and King Hussein of Jordan, a historic show. I was in Washington. The
three of them were in their homelands. It was terrific. Why can't --
would you do that, if we had you and Abbas and we had the king of
Jordan on? Could we do that now? NETANYAHU: You're on, Larry. From my point of view, immediately, no
problem. KING: All right. So if we worked on that, we could set it up?
Because it's -- it's frustrating -- go ahead. NETANYAHU: Well, I'm just saying that you're hitting the nail right
on the head. I mean, what is there to prevent a meeting between the
prime minister of Israel, in Jerusalem, and the president of the
Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas, who's 10 minutes away in
Ramallah, that's when you have traffic. Without traffic, it's seven
minutes. I
really like and respect Senator George Mitchell, President Obama's
envoy to the Middle East. But I find it perplexing and unnecessary that
president -- that Senator Mitchell has to travel halfway across the
world to relay messages between President Abbas and myself. There's no
need for that. We should sit down. We have very serious issues to
discuss. Our security, the
question
of
where the borders will end up, the question of
settlements, the question of Palestinian refugees, the question of
water. All these things are crucially important. The
only way that they're going to be resolved is if we actually sit down
and negotiate a peace. I think leaders have to do exactly that. I think
we have to break molds, break stereotypes, and cut right through to a
solution. I'm prepared to do it. I'm prepared to lead. And I hope that
President Abbas hears my call, responds to it. I think we'll have
important and steady help from President Obama. But
there is no substitute for the two leaders. The leader of Israel and
the leader of the Palestinian Authority, to get down together, talk
peace and make peace. KING: And we can kick it off on this show. We'll be right back
with Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister. Don't go away. [. . .] KING: We're back with Prime Minister Netanyahu.
He is in New York. We're in Los Angeles. What about the
settlements issue? President Obama said yesterday he expected talks to
begin before the moratorium on settlement construction expires which is
late September. Will you extend the moratorium, by the way, if things
aren't settled by late September? NETANYAHU: Larry,
the whole settlement issue was supposed to be discussed in the final
peace -- what are called final status peace negotiations, which means
how to achieve a final peace. This is one of the issues we have to
resolve. Seven months ago, I did something quite extraordinary, that is, no other prime minister in Israel's history
did this. I put on a temporary freeze of 10 months of new construction
in the settlements in order to encourage the Palestinians to get into
the peace talks. Seven months have passed by. They don't come in. They
say, oh, we need now, another extension. And the answer is, right now,
listen, we don't need any pretext and preconditions. Let's just get
into the talks. And
one of the things we'll discuss, right away, is issues of settlements.
And that's what I propose doing. In any case, what is important is to
get down and talk. That's the important thing. KING: President Clinton once said to me that the difficulties
in the Middle East are harder to solve than Ireland/England. That it's
so deep rooted and so frustrating. Can you explain to a waiting world
why you can't get together? NETANYAHU: I can, and I'm offering to do exactly that. I think
there's been a persistent refusal in many Arab quarters to recognize
the state of Israel borders. I think the issue of borders is important.
It's related to our security. But the issue of recognition, the basic
recognition of the Jewish state that exists in the Middle East, that is
the homeland of the Jewish people, that lives in peace and security
with its neighbors, is something that is recognized by some. We
made peace with Egypt. We made peace with Jordan. I think it's
important to make peace with the Palestinians. And
I'm
prepared
to negotiate that peace right away. I think it
requires courage on the Palestinian side for all those who don't really
want a peace with Israel, to stand up and do what president -- the late
president of Egypt, Anwar Sadat did, and to say, hey, it's over, no
more war, no more bloodshed. We're going to make a genuine peace with
Israel. I'm
prepared
to
have a demilitarized Palestinian state live next to the
Jewish state of Israel. I
think the Palestinians should not be either subject of Israel or
citizens of Israel. They should have their own independent country. And
we
should
be assured that this country is not used as a staging ground
for Iranian-sponsored terrorist attacks on us. And I think this
combination of state for the Palestinians and security for Israel is
something that can be brought about in direct negotiations that I
propose to start without any preconditions, without any pretext. KING: Right. NETANYAHU: Leaders don't need excuses. They just have to get on
with it and I'm prepared to get on with it. KING: Do you -- you absolutely favor a Palestinian state
though, right? NETANYAHU: I do. And I want to make sure that it -- that we don't
have a repeat of what happened in the other two times that we vacated
territory. You know, we left Lebanon, every last square inch of it. And
Iran came in and used it as a staging ground to launch 6,000 rockets on
Israel's cities, 6,000. We left Gaza, last square inch, and Iran used it to arm
its proxies and fired another 6,000 rockets. So we can't afford that
happening a third time. Now,
when I say that, Larry, you can now reach one of two conclusions.
Either don't make any peace attempt or ensure that the peace you do
make has the necessary security arrangements on the ground to prevent
this from happening a third time. That's what I propose to do. And I
think it's possible to fashion a secure peace for Israel and a
dignified peace and a dignified life for the Palestinians. I discussed
this at some length yesterday with President Obama. And I'm very happy
with the progress of those talks. KING: All right. But Abbas isn't the only leader we have to
concern ourselves with. Would you sit down with Hamas? NETANYAHU:
I'll
sit down with anyone who will recognize my existence. Somebody who
calls for our destruction, my destruction, is unfortunately not a
partner for peace. KING: So you would not sit down -- NETANYAHU: -- Hamas that calls -- well, you know, would you sit
down with somebody who said we want to destroy the United States? Now
come and talk to us? KING: Do you think they can -- that can change at all? Do you
think there's some way -- Secretary Mitchell, Senator Mitchell maybe
somewhat in between can get a little tempering of the language? I mean,
we're trying for the same result here. Nobody gets killed hopefully. NETANYAHU: I think in the case of Hamas, it's basically a proxy, a
terror proxy of Iran. Iran openly calls for our destruction. It denies the Holocaust. It sponsors terrorism
everywhere. It brutalizes its own people. Hamas, by the way, does the
same thing to the Palestinians in Gaza. They don't really have a
choice. They can't really vote the Hamas out. They can't decide their
own fate. But
look at what is happening in the West Bank with our cooperation. You
know, we removed -- I
removed
hundreds
of check points, hundreds of road blocks. And
the Palestinian economy on the West Bank is just booming. I mean,
there's coffee shops, there's shopping malls, there's e-businesses, you
name it. It's growing at about 8 percent or 9 percent a year which
isn't bad these days. And
I'm very happy for that. And I want to add on to that a formal peace --
peace with security and prosperity. Hamas is totally the other way
around. They are -- you know, they're subjecting their own people to
terrible things. And they're using the territory to just stockpile
weapons. I wish they -- I wish they'd change, and I wish they'd accept
the state of Israel. But as long as they call for our destruction,
there's not much we can do. KING: We'll be right back with the prime minister of Israel
after this. [. . .] KING: We're back with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of the
state of Israel. Your coalition, we know this, has some right wingers
who don't agree with the notion of a Palestinian state. You have some
difficulties. There are always inner politics going on. Is there any
way, a pragmatic way, to bring you and the Kadima together? NETANYAHU: Well, I've called for a national unity I've formed one.
I've formed Likud labor alliance. And I'm always happy to broaden it to
people who want to serve the nation. You know, getting into the
intricacies of Israeli politics would take a lot more of -- even a long
program of "Larry King." It's a subject of encyclopedic advantage. KING: Back to the difficulties. In May, Israeli forces stormed
a ship on a humanitarian mission to Gaza. Several Turkish activists
were killed. I don't know if you've -- have you ever publicly said that
you were wrong to do this? NETANYAHU: Well, we were definitely sorry about the loss of life.
But I'll tell you what happened. First of all, why do we check ships
that go to Gaza? Because we are concerned with the flow of -- the
possible flow of weaponry into Gaza. We've had, as I said, thousands of
rockets fired on us. I
think that what people fail to recognize is that there were six ships.
Five of them were totally peaceful and nothing of substance happened.
Our navy checked these ships. And we didn't have any incident. The
sixth ship was very different. It had about 500 people on it, of which
about 450 were peaceful people. But
several dozen were activists of a very radical group that had
apparently amassed steel rods, knives, communication equipment. They
boarded differently than the other passengers, the other 450
passengers, boarded in one port in Turkey. They went through security
checks. These people boarded in another port in Istanbul. They didn't
go through any security checks. They had their own communication
equipment. They had their own -- their own steel pipes and things that
they brought on board. And
when our Coast Guard effectively wanted to check this ship and make
sure that it behaved the way the other five did, they were brutally
attacked. You can see that in the films that were released. Our
soldiers, our navy people were fighting for their lives. What
would you do if the Coast Guard boarded a ship and the Coast Guard was
brutally attacked by people who were, you know, clubbing them, knifing
them, taking weapons from them, shooting at them? What do you think
would happen? How do you think the American people would respond? KING: OK. But how do you repair the damage with a state you
need to be friendly, Turkey? NETANYAHU: Well, you're quite right, that Turkey and Israel had an
important relationship. Turkey's a very important country in the Middle
East. I think that the relationship began to deteriorate with the
Turkish policy, a new policy, that basically veers away from the West
and I think Israel -- what has happened with Israel as a result of that
policy and not its cause. But
nevertheless, I look for every opportunity to see if we can stop this
deterioration and somehow get things back to normal or relatively
normal. Last week, I authorized a meeting with one of my senior
ministers and the Turkish foreign minister. They met in Zurich, in the
airport. I
can't tell you that something positive came out of it. But I want to
feel, as prime minister of Israel, that I leave no stone unturned in
the quest for -- the quest for a broader peace, and the quest of good
relations with our neighbors. And even though it may not succeed right
now, we'll keep trying. KING: Will you meet with Turkish leaders? NETANYAHU: Sure. KING: We'll take a break. We'll be right back with more of the
Israeli prime minister. Don't go away. KING: We're very interested in your comments, Mr. Prime
Minister, on the statements made by former American President Jimmy
Carter. He called the incident with the ship, the attack on the ship,
unprovoked and an illegal Israeli assault. He also says, there's no way
to realize a two-state solution, while, quote, "the people of Gaza
remain isolated and deprived of basic human rights." How do you respond
to President Carter? NETANYAHU: Well, first of all, I think he's wrong on the incident.
I described to you what happened. KING: All right. NETANYAHU: We regret the loss of life, but we don't apologize for
our soldiers defending themselves. And I think that's obvious.
Secondly, I think the people of Gaza are, indeed, incarcerated by
Hamas. Third, I removed all the civilian -- civilian closure that we
had. That is, the prevention of free flow of civilian goods, food,
medicine, anything, toys. I actually changed a policy that I inherited
from the previous government. And it put both civilian closure on Gaza
and a security closure. I said
we really have to be clear about our policy. Our policy is that weapons
and war-supporting material don't go in. And everything else should go
in. Food and everything else should go in. So I changed that policy.
And I'm glad I did it, because I think there's clarity and there's
common sense in it. I'm sorry that not everyone can see that. But I
think fair minded people can see it and, in fact, do. KING: Does it pain you personally to have a former president
of the United States be so critical of your country? NETANYAHU: Well, I'm sorry he thinks that. I think the majority --
the overwhelming majority of Americans see things differently. I think
-- I think successful presidents, including this one, see things
differently. And the important thing is to -- is to be true to the
facts. The
facts are that Israel was attacked from Gaza. The fact is that we had
-- that Iran sends weapons into Gaza so they'd be fired on us. The fact
is that this regime, Hamas, is holding an Israeli soldier that they
kidnapped for four years. Four years this soldier, Gilad Shalit, has
not been allowed to see anyone. They don't allow the Red Cross to visit
him. This is a complete violation of international norms. I think if
anything bears condemnation, it is this -- this inhumane terrorist
regime. And I
would hope that international condemnation is directed there. That's
where it belongs, and not against Israel, a struggling democracy,
striving to live and to make peace with its neighbors. It should not be
condemned. It should be encouraged to -- (CROSS
TALK) KING: Does it concern you, Mr. Prime Minister, that Israel's
image around the world is poor? You're not in high regard at the U.N.
You seem to be, from a public relations standpoint, pr standpoint, in
trouble. NETANYAHU: Well, that's one of the reasons I'm appearing on "THE
LARRY KING show." There's a difference between perception and reality.
The reality is the people of Israel yearn for peace, pray for peace.
We've not had a day's peace, a day of complete peace, since the
founding of the state in 1948. We know the cost of wars. There's --
many Israelis have suffered it. I've suffered it personally. I've lost
a brother in the war between the wars known as terror. Many of my
friends have lost direct relatives. We
know the loss of war. We know the sorrows of war. We know the blessings
of peace. Yet, at the same time, we forged a peace agreement with
Egypt. We forged a peace agreement with Jordan. And throughout these
years, we built a robust economy. Israel is a beehive of creativity and
innovation. The economy is growing. It's one of the best performing
economies in the developed world. There's
a
story
there that doesn't get told, both of our desire for peace, our
sacrifices for peace, and our building of a better reality. And I can
envision, if we had the kind of peace I envisioned with the
Palestinians, we could see what we're seeing now in the West Bank, this
great prosperity envelop the entire region. I
think Israel could make a tremendous contribution to the well- being of
its Arab neighbors. I think peace could bring for our children, my
children and their children, something beyond their imagination. It
could be a different life, a different reality. And I'm prepared to do
it. I'm prepared to move and lead my people to that peace. I need a
partner on the other side. KING: When we come back, we'll talk about Iran with the
president -- with the prime minister of Israel, right after this. [. . .] KING: Mr. prime minister, Iran, how much -- the word fear
apply -- how much do you fear their intentions? Do you -- do you --
what's the worst-case scenario to you? NETANYAHU: Well, we've learned in history and in Jewish history to
take seriously those who call for our extermination. A lot of people in the past century, the 20th century,
didn't take such calls seriously. And we know the awful price that was
paid by the Jewish people and later by rest of humanity for not taking
seriously these kinds of statements. The fact that after the Holocaust,
a sovereign government at once denies the Holocaust and calls for the
destruction of the Jewish state is just outrageous. Do we
take it seriously? Absolutely, we take it seriously. We also know that
Israel was founded to defend the Jewish people. So we reserve always
the right to defend ourselves. KING: If you determined that they had nuclear capability,
would you attack Iran? NETANYAHU: You know, I've taken note of President Obama's statement
that he's determined to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. I
see that sanctions have been adopted, modest sanctions at the U.N. But
more robust sanctions recently by the Congress was signed by the
president the other day. I hope the other nations follow America's lead
in this. Will it be enough to stop the Iranian nuclear program? I can't
tell you, Larry. I do tell you that the president has said that all
options are on the table. And I do tell you that Israel always reserves
the right to defend itself. That's the purpose for which it was
founded, to defend Jewish lives. KING: Assuming -- Israel has never said it has nuclear
weapons, but the world thinks it does. Why is it OK for Israel to have
nuclear weapons and Iran not to have nuclear weapons? Hypothetically,
if Israel has them, why is it OK for them to have them and the other
not? NETANYAHU: Well, we said we wouldn't be the first to introduce
these weapons into the Middle East. But equally, we're not threatening
to destroy any country. We don't seek the destruction of any country or
any people. We don't say that an entire people has to be wiped off the
map of the Earth. We don't have such intentions. And I
think all nuclear proliferation is bad. But some of it is a lot worse.
It does make a difference whether Holland has nuclear weapons, or the
Ayatollah regime that sponsored terrorism and calls for Israel's
destruction, whether it is nuclear weapons. And I think there's a
common understanding right now, something that I spoke about 16 years
ago, 14 years -- to be precise, 1996, when I was elected, 14 years ago.
I spoke before the joint session of the U.S. Congress. I was just
elected prime minister. And I said that the greatest threat facing
humanity is that Iran would acquire nuclear weapons. Some
eyebrows were raised at the time. I can tell you, 14 years later, that
most of the world's leaders today agree with this. There is a question
of the distance between understanding and effective action, and that is
the ultimate test of leadership and history. KING: Would you ban all nuclear weapons throughout the -- the
world -- would you ban nuclear weaponry entirely? NETANYAHU: Well, that's beyond my scope. I mean, this is -- this is
a worthy cause, but it's -- it's a very complicated issue. And I'm sure
you realize that the most important thing is preventing the most
dangerous weapons in the world from falling into the hands of the most
dangerous regimes. And this is what we really are facing today. We're
facing the prospect that people who talk about destruction, who deny
the Holocaust, who sponsor terrorism everywhere, who shoot their own
citizens on the sidewalk -- you know, they lie there. Remember
that
young
woman lying there, choking in her own blood. These people
who have absolutely no inhibitions about the use of violence and
brutality would acquire the weapons of mass terror, the ultimate mass
terror weapons, which is atomic bombs. That's a very, very dangerous
development for all of us. KING: Would there be any point -- may sound ridiculous, but
speaking is better than killing. Would there be any point for you to
sit down with Ahmadinejad? NETANYAHU: Well, if he wanted to change the policies of Iran. We
used to have friendly relations with Iran. It actually recognized
Israel. We had exchanges all the time. But, you know, tell me -- when
Ahmadinejad decides to recognize the state of Israel and seek peace
with it, believe me, I'll be there eagerly waiting. But I'm afraid I
don't see that. I see the very opposite. KING: Some more moments. We have a couple segments left with
the prime minister of Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu. Don't go away. (NEWS
BREAK) KING: We're back with Benjamin Netanyahu, prime minister of
Israel. So thankful to give us this hour tonight on "LARRY KING LIVE."
As we say, we go back a long way. What do you make of Iraq -- no, no,
well, I'm leaving "LARRY KING LIVE" in November. But I'm going to be
around. We're going to do specials. We're going to come to the Middle
East. NETANYAHU: Oh, good. Good, I'll -- then I'll entertain you again in
Israel. It will be a good refresher. KING: It will be my pleasure. Don't forget, you committed, if
we can get all three leaders on together, we're going to do that show. NETANYAHU: You can do it anytime. You have one. KING: OK. Are you -- well, I think we can get Jordan. If we
get -- we're fine if we get Abbas. What do you make of what's going to
happen in Iraq? Will that hold together? NETANYAHU: I hope so. I mean, we are -- we are rooting for the
success of the American effort and of the Iraqi effort to stabilize
Iraq. It
went through a very difficult period. We want to see a peaceful Middle
East. We want to see a moderate Middle East. I think there's a larger
battle taking place between the forces of modernity and the forces of
Medievalism. There's no other word that I could use to describe this
militancy that tries not merely to eradicate Israel, but to bring down
any moderate government in the Arab world and in the Middle East. In a
way, there's a -- this is the first time in my lifetime that the --
many of the Arab governments and Israel understand that there's a great
-- a great foe that threatens all of us. And that is the basis of a
broader understanding. I don't think peace should be merely forged by
common dangers. It should be forged also by the benefits, the blessings
of peace, economic blessings, the human blessings of every sort. But
today the context of the peace is made perhaps more likely and more
possible because of this common enemy that threatens Israel and Arab
countries alike. KING: What's -- what about Hezbollah, Lebanon, that -- four
years since the war with Hezbollah and Lebanon. Are you still concerned
about them? NETANYAHU: Unfortunately, yes, because it is basically an Iranian
terror proxy. Look,
Lebanon was the Switzerland of the Middle East. It had -- it's a very
beautiful country. It had robust economy. And Iran has moved its
surrogates, Hezbollah, into Lebanon. It has piled weapons there. They
fire those weapons on Israel. They undermine any attempt at moderation,
any movement towards peace. We
always hoped that Lebanon -- we always said, we don't know who the
first country to make peace with Israel, which country that would be,
but certainly Lebanon would be the second country. And, you know, it
hasn't happened, not because many Lebanese don't want it, but because
radical forces, pro-Iranian forces, like Hezbollah, are preventing it. And so
you have these two enclaves next to Israel, one in the south, Gaza,
controlled by one proxy of Hezbollah, preventing the people there from
making peace with Israel. And then another enclave in the north, in
Lebanon, controlled by another Iranian proxy, Hezbollah, preventing the
Lebanese from making peace with Israel, and threatening to throw the
entire region into a maelstrom of violence and terror. That's happened
before. I hope it doesn't happen again. But
Hezbollah and Hamas are basically Iranian surrogates. As long as Iran
doesn't want peace, they don't want peace. KING: Touch some other bases before you leave, as we have one
segment to go. You've invited President Obama to visit Israel. What has
he said? NETANYAHU: Well, you know, he'll decide the appropriate time. But I
have to tell you that we had a very, very, very productive
conversation. And I think that when we have a chance to sit, as we do,
one on one, I think it's very, very productive for Israel, for the
United States and for the quest for peace. KING: We'll be back with our remaining moments with the prime
minister after this. [. . .] KING: Couple of other things, Mr. prime minister. How would
you describe the relationship of your country with Secretary of State
Clinton? And how do you measure her work in the peace process? NETANYAHU: I greatly respect Secretary Clinton. You know, I worked
with her husband, Bill. I got to know Hillary on her visits to Israel.
She's always a welcomed guest. I think she's knowledgeable. I think
Secretary Clinton was a very wise choice on the part of President
Obama. And
we'll be happy to work with her if the president so designates, and he
often does. KING: There's some video getting a lot of attention on the
web, supposedly of Israeli soldiers dancing while on patrol in Hebron.
What do you know of that? NETANYAHU: I don't know. I hear it for the first time. KING: So do I. They gave me a note here and said it's on the
web. NETANYAHU: I don't know. If you talk to me -- if you want to invite
me again, I will be able to respond to it. KING: We'll invite you any time. Are you ever able -- you're
prime minister of Israel. A previous prime minister was assassinated.
You live in the center of a hostile world. Are you ever able to really
relax? NETANYAHU: Yeah. You know, yes. And I'll tell you when. Every
Saturday, our Sabbath, we have a day off. It's a very good idea that
this institution was brought into the world. So I have a day off. And
every Saturday, I take an hour and a half, and I read from the Bible
with my younger boy. He has just won the National Bible Championship in
Israel and he came third in the international. It's like the big
spelling bee, you know, huge. I
relax then. I draw a lot of spiritual strength. You know, I used to
teach him. He is now 15. But in the last couple of years, he teaches
me. So, yes, I draw enormous reservoirs of strength and I think that is
needed for all leaders, but especially for the leaders of Israel. KING: Four years ago, the former prime minister, Ariel Sharon,
suffered a stroke. He is still alive. Do you ever go to see him? What
is that story? NETANYAHU: It's a tragedy. Ariel Sharon was one of the great
leaders of Israel. He's, in my judgment, the greatest general that
Israel has had in modern times. He has contributed a lot to the
country. And, unfortunately, he suffered, as you say, the stroke. We
can all pray that somehow he miraculously recovers. But that has not
happened yet. But I think the people of Israel value his contributions.
I certainly do. KING: Earlier in the program, you mentioned that Hamas is
still holding Gilad Shalit -- I believe that's the way you pronounce
his name -- the Israeli soldier they captured four years ago. NETANYAHU: Yes. KING: Any late word on any efforts? NETANYAHU: Well, we've had a German mediator, very able man, trying
to broker the release. I'm
prepared
to
release 1,000 Palestinian prisoners for Gilad. But
so far there's not been an official response of Hamas to this offer
that the mediator has made. I have accepted it. They have not. I can
only hope that they change their mind. KING: In our remaining moments, Mr. prime minister, do you
think -- how old are you now? NETANYAHU: I'm 60 years old, Larry. And showing it. KING: Do you think that in your lifetime, you will really see
peace in your region? NETANYAHU: I think it's possible to achieve it, yes. Will we
achieve it with the entire Middle East? That, I cannot say. Can we
achieve it with the Palestinians? I say absolutely. I say that with
conviction, because I think it's a question of a rightness for our
people's perspective. There is already time. It's now. I think for many
Palestinians, the time is now. And I'm prepared to make that effort. It
requires a lot of courage. Maybe that's the quality that supersedes all
others. Because if you don't have courage, everything else fails. But
if you have it, then everything else is possible. We have the courage
to make peace. And I hope -- I fervently hope that our Palestinian
neighbors have similar courage. With the help of the United States, I
think it can be done, yeah. Absolutely. KING: Thank you, Mr. prime minister. Have a safe trip home. We
hope to see you again very soon. NETANYAHU: Thank you. Come and visit us, Larry. Thank you. KING: Prime Minister of Israel Benjamin Netanyahu. Time
now for "AC 360." [10] Este documento del Pentágono fue aparentemente
desclasificado en 1979 pero no se publicó hasta 1984. "Memorandum
for
the
Secretary of Defense"; Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 13,
No. 2. (Winter, 1984), pp. 122-126. [11]
Netanyahu, B. 2000. A durable peace: Israel and its place among the
nations, 2 edition. New York: Warner Books. (APPENDIX: The Pentagon
Plan, June 29, 1967; pp.433-437) [11a] “Abbas
sets terms for Mideast talks”; Reuters; RAMALLAH | Sat Jul 17, 2010
3:37pm EDT; By Tom Perry “RAMALLAH
West
Bank
(Reuters) - Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas said Israel
must agree to the idea of a third party guarding the borders of a
future Palestinian state before direct peace talks can start.” [12] El recuento del contexto de las conversaciones
entre Manhigut Yehudit, el movimiento de Moshe Feiglin, y Francisco
Gil-White de HIR, para lograr que Feiglin divulgara los orígenes nazi
de OLP/Fatah, se encuentra en el siguiente artículo: “Leaders Lied, Jews died. Why have Israeli leaders been
lying to their fellow citizens about the Fatah/PLO?” Historical and
Investigative Research; 10 July 2007; by Francisco Gil-White |
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